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1 - Histomesoamericana

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INTRODUCTION XVÜ<br />

and was supposed to rotate among the subsidiary cities. Commonly more<br />

than one city claimed the honor, which conferred tribute rights, control<br />

of land titles, and appointments to public office. Even the ruined cities<br />

lent their prestigious names to the seating of the katun, and at various<br />

dates between 1461 and 1539 the privilege was claimed by Chichen Itza,<br />

Izamal, Uxmal, Tihosuco, Coba, and Emal.<br />

Early in the sixteenth century, the war of the katuns—or katun of the<br />

wars (u katun katunob)—between the Xiu and the Itza was exacerbated<br />

by the arrival of the Spanish. The result was a formal bifurcation of the<br />

politico-religious system and, coincidentally, a major calendrical reform,<br />

which was promulgated at the beginning of 11 Ahau: 11.16.0.0.0 (1539).<br />

The Itza continued to consider Mayapan to be the seat of the cycle, and<br />

they seated the katun at Emal. The Xiu established Merida as the seat of<br />

both the cycle and the katun. In effect, the peninsula was divided into<br />

eastern and western jurisdictions along a north-south line running right<br />

through Mayapan. A new calendar was announced at Mayapan, with new<br />

yearbearers, a new count of the twenty-day uinals (from 1-20 instead of<br />

0-19], and a count of the katuns by initial date rather than by terminal<br />

date (see the appendix). This calendar, universally used by the colonial<br />

Yucatecans from 1539 to 1752, is in agreement with Landa's statement<br />

that the Mayan new year fell on Sunday, fuly 16, 1553 (see Edmonson<br />

1976).<br />

The Flower katun 11 Ahau thus initiated a new Itza cycle, which was<br />

also the cycle of the Spanish Empire and ended very nearly with the<br />

empire in 1824, at the end of 13 Ahau. The Itza of the sixteenth century<br />

found themselves embattled on several fronts, being opposed by the Spanish<br />

secular and religious authorities, the Xiu nobility, who found it convenient<br />

to become Christians, and the merchants and peasants of both the<br />

east and the west (often also Christianized), who objected to paying tribute<br />

to the Itza as well as taxes to the Spanish. Lowborn claimants to the<br />

lordship of the katun sprang up everywhere, supported by rebellious guerrilla<br />

companies in the woods who made it dangerous and eventually<br />

impossible for the legitimate lords to complete their ceremonial visits to<br />

collect tribute and confirm titles. Few lords of the katun completed their<br />

terms of office. The military companies were not brought under control<br />

until the middle of the seventeenth century, and peasant rebellions continued<br />

long after that.<br />

The Xiu had a long-standing tradition of accommodating foreign culture.<br />

They were considerably more Mexicanized than the Itza even in the<br />

post-Classic period. After the conquest they accommodated similarly to<br />

Christianity and attempted to justify their stance in terms of Mayan<br />

prophecy. By the early seventeenth century, they apparently had lost interest<br />

in the Mayan political game and did not claim to seat the katun<br />

after 1 Ahau (1638-1658). Merida had become the Spaniards' city.<br />

The Itza were more resistant. From the outset of the Spanish conquest<br />

they were troubled by the possible implications of the European calendar,<br />

particularly by the seven-day week, which (leap years being ignored) appeared<br />

to represent a new class of yearbearer that the Maya hadn't<br />

thought of. While the Xiu tried to accommodate the Mexican fifty-two<br />

year divinatory cycle and the Christian year by inventing a twenty-year<br />

(rather than twenty-tun) "katun" (see chapter 22), the Itza clung to the

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