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National Minimum Wage

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Chapter 2: The Impact of the <strong>National</strong> <strong>Minimum</strong> <strong>Wage</strong><br />

2.117 For the most part, it appears that firms may have<br />

found it easier to increase the price of minimum wage<br />

“Members found it difficult<br />

goods and services to consumers rather than to other to pass on cost increases to<br />

businesses. Between 1999 and 2011, prices in<br />

consumers. Consumers were<br />

restaurants and cafes, canteens, hairdressers and dry often ‘trading down’, using<br />

cleaners have all increased faster than CPI. Similarly, ‘stay at home’ entertainment, or<br />

the prices of restaurant, canteen, and takeaway<br />

meals; wine and beer; and personal services have all<br />

attracted only by special deals.”<br />

increased faster than the general level of RPI. The BHA, BBPA, BISL, ALMR oral<br />

cost of employment agencies and security services<br />

also increased above the general increase in SPPI but<br />

the price increases for businesses for industrial<br />

evidence<br />

cleaning, dry cleaning and hotels have been lower than the general increase in prices.<br />

2.118 Firms may have been less able to pass on price rises since the start of the recession.<br />

Between 2007 and 2010, the price rises in the selected minimum wage goods and services<br />

were similar to the general increase in prices, and this has continued in 2011. Price rises for<br />

business-to-business transactions still appear more constrained than price rises to<br />

consumers.<br />

Research on Prices<br />

2.119 We can draw on three studies that shed light on the ability of firms to pass on minimum<br />

wage costs in the form of higher prices to their customers. Wadsworth (2007) investigated<br />

the consumption patterns of minimum wage households and the impact of the minimum<br />

wage on the prices of goods and services that were associated with minimum wage<br />

employment (‘minimum wage goods and services’). Using the Family Expenditure Survey<br />

and its successor the Expenditure and Food Survey, he found that there was little evidence of<br />

differential consumption patterns among households with an adult minimum wage earner<br />

relative to others, although such households appeared to spend a slightly larger proportion of<br />

their income on food compared with households with non-minimum wage workers. He also<br />

found evidence that the demand for many minimum wage goods and services (such as pub<br />

drinks, dry cleaning services and canteen meals) tended to be elastic. That is, demand was<br />

sensitive to price changes, which suggested that there might be little room to pass on price<br />

rises to consumers of minimum wage goods and services.<br />

2.120 In an extension to that work, Wadsworth (2008) defined minimum wage goods and services<br />

using the LFS and ASHE to estimate the employee and wage bill shares relating to minimum<br />

wage workers in disaggregated industries. He then matched these to sectoral level data on<br />

retail and consumer prices. Although he found no evidence of an immediate impact of<br />

changes in the minimum wage on prices, he did find evidence to suggest that the relative<br />

rate of price inflation of some minimum wage goods and services did increase in the period<br />

after the minimum wage was introduced and that prices rose faster for those goods and<br />

services that were not subject to international trade. In a previous study, Draca, Machin and<br />

Van Reenen (2005) had found no significant effects of the minimum wage on prices.<br />

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