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National Minimum Wage

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<strong>National</strong> <strong>Minimum</strong> <strong>Wage</strong><br />

48<br />

average difference between the NMW and wages being paid had now dropped to ten pence<br />

in some sectors, and that the differential had become so small that upratings in the minimum<br />

wage had effectively become the going rate for wage increases.<br />

Summary on Earnings and Pay<br />

2.70 It is clear from the evidence we have presented that the minimum wage has had a significant<br />

impact on the distribution of earnings; the gender pay gap; pay structures; the timing of pay<br />

reviews; and wage and non-wage labour costs. It also appears that its effects have continued<br />

to increase, particularly among low-paying sectors and small firms. We now go on to<br />

investigate how firms have coped with the increase in labour costs.<br />

Impact on the Labour Market<br />

2.71 We have demonstrated that the minimum wage has affected earnings. Competitive market<br />

economic theories would suggest that a minimum wage in these circumstances would lead<br />

to a reduction in employment. This reduction in employment could be achieved through the<br />

intensive margin (reducing the number of hours worked) or through the extensive margin<br />

(reducing the number of workers). Other economic theories, such as those that consider<br />

monopsonistic (or imperfect) competition and efficiency wage theories, suggest more<br />

ambiguous effects in that an increase in the minimum wage within a certain range might lead<br />

to a rise in employment. A minimum wage set too low will have no effect and one set too<br />

high will lead to job reductions, as suggested by competitive market theories. The issue of<br />

the impact of the minimum wage on employment, therefore becomes an empirical one.<br />

2.72 Indeed, the focus of much of the previous research and analysis carried out on the UK<br />

minimum wage has been its impact on employment. Various methods can be used to<br />

investigate this issue. We start by considering time series analysis of aggregate employment<br />

and hours, before looking in more detail at employment in the low-paying sectors and<br />

employment and unemployment among low-paid workers. We then consider more<br />

econometric analysis and summarise the research findings that have used individual data to<br />

estimate the impact of the minimum wage, before considering research that has made use<br />

of pay differences and the variation in minimum wage bite by geography.<br />

Employment and Employee Jobs<br />

2.73 Despite the deepest recession since the 1930s, aggregate employment (whether measured<br />

by the number of jobs or the number of workers) and total hours worked have grown since<br />

the introduction of the minimum wage in April 1999. Official data on employment are<br />

available from two main sources: the LFS, which surveys individuals; and the ONS workforce<br />

jobs series (WFJ), which surveys businesses. The LFS estimates employment by counting<br />

the number of people in employment while the WFJ series counts the number of jobs in the<br />

economy. These counts differ as a person can have more than one job. Between March 1999<br />

(before the introduction of the minimum wage in April 1999) and September 2011, the LFS<br />

measure of aggregate employment increased by over 2 million workers from 27.04 million to<br />

29.07 million. Over the same period, Table 2.7 shows that the number of workforce jobs

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