National Minimum Wage
National Minimum Wage
National Minimum Wage
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Project title and<br />
researchers<br />
An Assessment of<br />
the Introduction of<br />
the Apprentice Rate<br />
John Higton,<br />
Rebecca Klahr,<br />
Cheryl Salmon<br />
(Ipsos MORI), Andy<br />
Hirst and Morgane<br />
Lefaucheux<br />
(Cambridge Policy<br />
Consultants (CPC))<br />
Non-compliance<br />
with the <strong>National</strong><br />
<strong>Minimum</strong> <strong>Wage</strong><br />
Suzanne Hall,<br />
Jane Darragh,<br />
Anne Charlton (Ipsos<br />
MORI), WeiHsi Hu,<br />
Aaron Barbour,<br />
and Marien Llanes<br />
(Community Links)<br />
Appendix 2: Low Pay Commission Research<br />
Aims and methodology Key findings and results<br />
This research aimed to assess the impact of the<br />
introduction of the Apprentice Rate. The analysis<br />
combined qualitative and quantitative elements.<br />
It focused on employers but was also informed by<br />
discussions with each UK administration, training<br />
providers and apprentices.<br />
There were five strands to their research:<br />
●● A literature review that built on that undertaken by<br />
the Commission for its 2010 Report.<br />
●● Analysis using apprenticeship datasets from the<br />
four UK countries.<br />
●● Qualitative interviews with national programme<br />
officers in England, Wales, Scotland and Northern<br />
Ireland. These discussions explored the take-up and<br />
completion of apprenticeships.<br />
●● Qualitative research with apprentices. Six focus<br />
groups (two each in England and Scotland, and one<br />
each in Northern Ireland and Wales).<br />
●● Quantitative telephone survey of 500 employers<br />
of apprentices (300 in England, and 100 each in<br />
Scotland and Wales). This was drawn by reference to<br />
employer data from the apprentice database in each<br />
country (the Individualised Learner Record in England<br />
and equivalent in other UK administrations) and,<br />
as necessary, against other business databases to<br />
produce employer contact details. An online survey of<br />
employers in Northern Ireland, contacted via learning<br />
providers (41 completed survey forms).<br />
The research aimed to provide an understanding of<br />
why businesses pay below the NMW and whether the<br />
recession had changed employment practices. It was a<br />
two-stage qualitative project.<br />
First, they conducted a literature review on the impact<br />
of the minimum wage, and explored the drivers for<br />
operating in the informal sector. This ensured the<br />
research built on existing knowledge.<br />
Second, they conducted 18 face-to-face interviews<br />
with employers operating in the informal economy and<br />
deliberately avoiding paying the NMW. Researchers<br />
drew on their experience of recruiting similar audiences<br />
in accessing this sample.<br />
In conjunction with our Secretariat, they designed<br />
a discussion guide for the interviews. This covered<br />
business attitudes to the NMW; triggers to working<br />
informally; and minimum wage enforcement.<br />
Interviews with each employer lasted about 45-60<br />
minutes and were conducted in June and July 2011.<br />
Thorough analysis was undertaken of the evidence<br />
gathered, resulting in a report that comprised case<br />
studies, customer journey maps and recommendations<br />
for change. Where possible, sectors more susceptible to<br />
the informal economy were identified.<br />
Given limitations with the representativeness of the<br />
data, the researchers said the quantitative results<br />
should be read by considering broad themes and general<br />
magnitude in the results. These can be set in context<br />
against the Department for Business, Innovation and<br />
Skills Apprentice Pay Survey (2012), also conducted by<br />
the same researchers in 2011.<br />
According to their employer survey, employers of<br />
apprentices paid a minimum of £5.41 an hour on average<br />
and 5 per cent paid apprentices less than £2.50 an hour<br />
(the Apprentice Rate at the time of the survey).<br />
The main finding was that the introduction of the<br />
Apprentice Rate had a minimal impact on employers’<br />
decisions to offer apprenticeship places. However,<br />
it found that around one in seven employers had<br />
difficulty with one or more of the criteria concerning the<br />
arrangements for the Apprentice Rate. No single issue<br />
dominated, and overall the impact was minimal.<br />
Further, employers expressed limited concerns about<br />
increasing the Apprentice Rate to £2.60 an hour,<br />
although up to around 10 per cent of employers said<br />
their apprentices were paid less than this amount.<br />
An important finding of the research was that a<br />
substantial minority of employers were unaware of<br />
the Apprentice Rate (around a third) even though they<br />
employed apprentices.<br />
Employers thought the introduction of the Apprentice<br />
Rate had increased demand from young people but, in<br />
the focus groups, apprentices suggested that the impact<br />
was broadly neutral.<br />
The study focused on a number of sectors in London and<br />
Nottingham. It found that although the interviewees<br />
viewed the NMW positively, they generally saw the<br />
NMW as more applicable to other employers and<br />
employees. The interviewees felt that their workers<br />
benefited from the (non-payment of the NMW)<br />
arrangements in place.<br />
Awareness of the actual rate of the NMW was low,<br />
although some thought it was higher than it actually<br />
was. Most businesses justified the way they were<br />
operating because that was all they could afford.<br />
Different tactics were employed by the interviewees<br />
to avoid detection. Most thought the chance of getting<br />
caught was slim and that in any event, the benefit of<br />
non-compliance outweighed the risk. They felt that the<br />
lack of any evidence (such as a failure to have detailed<br />
records) meant that HM Revenue & Customs would not<br />
have enough evidence to convict them of any illegality.<br />
Employers claimed that they were either unable to<br />
afford to pay the NMW or that they were unwilling to<br />
pay it. This latter group gave six main reasons for not<br />
paying the NMW:<br />
1. the business needed to be competitive;<br />
2. there were a large number of workers prepared to<br />
work for less than the NMW;<br />
3. paying a flat rate (the NMW) provided no incentive<br />
to the workforce;<br />
4. they only employed illegal workers or those claiming<br />
benefits so they were doing workers a favour;<br />
5. they provided additional benefits (travel, meals etc.);<br />
and<br />
6. these weren’t ‘proper’ jobs (as they were irregular or<br />
part-time).<br />
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