BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua
BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua
Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter One Because dōra were used to negotiate the relationship itself, the obligation they incurred need not be repaid immediately. Often, in fact, outside of the ritualized exchange of dōra on-the-spot, a gift entailed only a general return, that is, a return unspecified in terms of both quality (what kind of gift, how valuable it was) and time (when it would be given). 63 In this sense, assuming they were gifts not quid pro quo compensation, we should not causally link the gifts given to Eurybiades and Adimantus with their decision to stay and defend Artemisium. Rather, both the talents of silver and the generals’ subsequent decision to stay could be viewed as independent ‘gifts’—we might say ‘favors’—that separately negotiated a friendship. Much like we saw with ‘insider’ framing in the previous section, within the framing of the relationship it would have been difficult to construe the gifts as bribes, for they likely would not have obligated a specific return. This reciprocity—gifts obligating non-specific returns—created a continuously off-set equilibrium by which dōra could symbolize and strengthen relationships. The Athenians had a preference to give rather than to receive, meaning it was better to obligate others than to be so obligated. 64 As a result, when someone gave a gift, often the counter-gift would not simply repay an obligation, but would seek to off-set the equilibrium of the relationship by further obligating another, as well. 65 The exchange of gifts was not a series of immediate, equal exchanges, but was a continuous string of gift/counter-gift/gift (counter-gift)/counter-gift… Although an Athenian often claimed to give dōra spontaneously and unprompted as a way to initiate a new sequence of 63 Mauss (1990) is seminal on this point. Finley (1957), Seaford (1994: 7-23), von Reden (1995a: 18- 24), Domingo Gygax (2007: 119-20; forthcoming: 29-30) helpfully lay out these concepts out for an ancient Greek setting. 64 E.g. Aristot. EN 1124b. 65 Millett (1992: 32-3), Domingo Gygax (2007: esp. 120-2). 57
Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter One reciprocal exchanges, more often than not his ‘gift’ was actually both a ‘counter-gift’ repaying a previous obligation and a ‘gift’ incurring a new obligation. In practice, therefore, the distinction between gift/counter-gift was usually blurred. 66 So gifts and the reciprocity that governed them symbolized a long-term relationship between two social actors. In this sense, dōra could be used not only to reinforce existing social ties, but even to forge new ones: by accepting dōra, one was obligated to repay them, thereby setting off a potentially long-term sequence of gifts and counter-gifts. To an observer looking in, the acceptance of a single gift might signal a long-term relationship of reciprocal exchanges. For the Athenians, where there were dōra, there were friends; and where there were friends, there were dōra. In this respect, dōra acted as a kind of social glue, a way to bind people together into long-term, reciprocal relationships. Certainly these kinds of long-term relationships were the fabric of Athenian society, but the story of Themistocles highlights how such ‘friendships’ (philia) also played an important role in the practice of Athenian politics, whether we call these ‘friendships’, ‘political friendships’, or ‘associations’. 67 Indeed, a range of evidence supports the claim that much of Athenian politics was conducted through the leveraging of personal relationships. 68 This makes sense at first glance, as the majority of Athenian 66 Duly noted by Domingo Gygax (forthcoming: 86-90) in a discussion of the epinikion as both gift and reward. Cf. Mastrocinque (1996: 12-13) on the difficulty in distinguishing between ‘gift’ and ‘tribute’ in archaic Greece. We can see this idea in practice in the way that public honors were represented sometimes as payment for past deeds, sometimes as encouraging (obligating) future benefactions, on which see most recently Liddel (2007: 160-82). 67 The semantic field of philia and its cognates, especially philos/philoi, was broad. Philoi could range from family members to friends to fellow citizens, while philia was more restrictively applied only to kin or lovers: Konstan (1996); cf. Goldhill (1986: 88-106), Blundell (1991: 26-59). 68 Connor (1971), Dow (1976), Whitehead (1986: 301-5), Strauss (1987), Sinclair (1988a), Littman (1990), Mitchell and Rhodes (1996), Mitchell (1997), Ober (2008). Cf. Calhoun (1913), Hunter (1994), Rubinstein (2000) for the leveraging of social relations in the courts. 58
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Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter One<br />
reciprocal exchanges, more often than not his ‘gift’ was actually both a ‘counter-gift’<br />
repaying a previous obligation and a ‘gift’ incurring a new obligation. In practice,<br />
therefore, the distinction between gift/counter-gift was usually blurred. 66<br />
So gifts and the reciprocity that governed them symbolized a long-term<br />
relationship between two social actors. In this sense, dōra could be used not only to<br />
reinforce existing social ties, but even to forge new ones: by accepting dōra, one was<br />
obligated to repay them, thereby setting off a potentially long-term sequence of gifts and<br />
counter-gifts. To an observer looking in, the acceptance of a single gift might signal a<br />
long-term relationship of reciprocal exchanges. For the Athenians, where there were<br />
dōra, there were friends; and where there were friends, there were dōra. In this respect,<br />
dōra acted as a kind of social glue, a way to bind people together into long-term,<br />
reciprocal relationships.<br />
Certainly these kinds of long-term relationships were the fabric of Athenian<br />
society, but the story of Themistocles highlights how such ‘friendships’ (philia) also<br />
played an important role in the practice of Athenian politics, whether we call these<br />
‘friendships’, ‘political friendships’, or ‘associations’. 67 Indeed, a range of evidence<br />
supports the claim that much of Athenian politics was conducted through the leveraging<br />
of personal relationships. 68 This makes sense at first glance, as the majority of Athenian<br />
66 Duly noted by Domingo Gygax (forthcoming: 86-90) in a discussion of the epinikion as both gift and<br />
reward. Cf. Mastrocinque (1996: 12-13) on the difficulty in distinguishing between ‘gift’ and ‘tribute’ in<br />
archaic Greece. We can see this idea in practice in the way that public honors were represented sometimes<br />
as payment for past deeds, sometimes as encouraging (obligating) future benefactions, on which see most<br />
recently Liddel (2007: 160-82).<br />
67 The semantic field of philia and its cognates, especially philos/philoi, was broad. Philoi could range<br />
from family members to friends to fellow citizens, while philia was more restrictively applied only to kin<br />
or lovers: Konstan (1996); cf. Goldhill (1986: 88-106), Blundell (1991: 26-59).<br />
68 Connor (1971), Dow (1976), Whitehead (1986: 301-5), Strauss (1987), Sinclair (1988a), Littman (1990),<br />
Mitchell and Rhodes (1996), Mitchell (1997), Ober (2008). Cf. Calhoun (1913), Hunter (1994), Rubinstein<br />
(2000) for the leveraging of social relations in the courts.<br />
58