BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua
BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua
Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Conclusion The view from Athens suggests that these questions are perhaps the wrong ones to ask. For the Athenians, bribery was not a discrete problem that could simply be solved (or reduced to a minimal equilibrium); rather, it was a mode of politics that, along with the democracy, changed, reinvented itself, took on new meaning, and thus had to be constantly re-incorporated into the workings of the democracy. Athenian bribery, like the democracy itself, was not a static phenomenon—some isolated inefficiency in the workings of polity—but was ever dynamic. In other words, precisely because the democracy was always changing, there was never any set equilibrium for which the Athenians were striving: certainly Plato and Aristotle understood that polities were always in motion, always evolving or devolving over time. As a result, there was never any static ideal of ‘good government’ against which bribery could be measured. To speak of ‘more’ or ‘less’ bribery at Athens would be to miss the point that the Athenians seemed okay with even a considerable amount of bribery, provided it could be leveraged in some way for the good of the democracy. It is important, in this regard, to underscore the very different way in which the Athenians approached the concept of bribery. For them the normative value of dōra did not depend on the context in which they were given or received (e.g. public office), or even the intent with which they were given. It hinged, instead, on the perceived result of costs in time, money, and effort: e.g. Klitgaard (1988: 24). What conventional political economic wisdom suggests is that the ideal amount of bribery lies at the equilibrium where trying to regulate it further would accrue more costs than simply letting the bribery exist. It could be argued that, given severe informational asymmetries in the world of Athenian politics—that is, given the enormous costs of trying to monitor public officials’ financial accounts—this equilibrium was astonishingly high at Athens; on this view, given Athens’ inefficient technologies for monitoring public officials, we could only expect that they would have a high amount of bribery. This view is unattractive, however, given the extreme monitoring the Athenians actually achieved: they employed treasurers whose sole job was to look after the accounts of generals, they examined the financial accounts of magistrates ten times a year, and the Athenians did not seem shy about bringing a bribery suit against an official. Indeed, if political economists have correctly modeled the cost-benefit analysis of bribery and its regulation, then Athens’ success as democracy and economy is doubly impressive, for she invested seemingly excessive resources in combating corruption. 325
Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Conclusion the dōra. If an official did something good for the community, even if he had received dōra in the process, he was praised; if something bad happened during his tenure, he was blamed, and frequently it was assumed that he had been bribed, even if the assumption was unwarranted. 4 It was the outcome of the purported exchange that mattered, and this outcome was always evaluated with respect to the good or bad done to the community. As a result, the Athenians focused far less on minimizing an official’s opportunity to take bribes and far more on ensuring that that official’s relationship with the community would continue to be reciprocal. Such a consequentialist approach to bribery worked particularly well in the Athenians’ case precisely because so much of their political process leveraged social relationships. Within this context, as we saw, dōra entered politics unproblematically; numerous sources attest to the perquisites received by a variety of magistrates. Negotiation of these duties within the context of personal friendships was inevitable, but it was also desirable to the extent that it fostered greater cooperation and an ethos of community among the citizens. 5 In practice the leveraging of private relationships in politics created a range of outcomes, from desirable to undesirable, helpful to harmful. Hence the Athenians needed some way to differentiate between the good and the bad leveraging of relationships to achieve political outcomes. Accusations of bribery 4 Recall, for instance, that in the dōrodokia trials of Cimon and the unnamed public official of Lysias 21, both defendants insisted that whatever dōra they had received should be evaluated according to how much they had given back to the community: Plut. Cim. 14.3, Lys. 21 passim. Conversely, during the disastrous Sicilian expedition of the Peloponnesian War, the general Nicias fears returning to Athens, lest the people (erroneously) condemn him for having taken bribes to lose in battle: Thuc. 7.48.4; cf. 4.65.2-4. 5 Note, too, how higher rates of political participation in Athens meant that political office could be leveraged by ultimately more citizens in helping, or in being helped by, their friends. Without a discrete class of repeat political players consistently benefiting from access to public office, the stigma against gifts to public officials might have been necessarily small. By contrast, in precisely those areas where we do find a narrower range of political participation—notably military generals and public speakers—anxieties over the mixing of money and politics were relatively great. 326
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Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Conclusion<br />
the dōra. If an official did something good for the community, even if he had received<br />
dōra in the process, he was praised; if something bad happened during his tenure, he was<br />
blamed, and frequently it was assumed that he had been bribed, even if the assumption<br />
was unwarranted. 4 It was the outcome of the purported exchange that mattered, and this<br />
outcome was always evaluated with respect to the good or bad done to the community.<br />
As a result, the Athenians focused far less on minimizing an official’s opportunity to take<br />
bribes and far more on ensuring that that official’s relationship with the community<br />
would continue to be reciprocal.<br />
Such a consequentialist approach to bribery worked particularly well in the<br />
Athenians’ case precisely because so much of their political process leveraged social<br />
relationships. Within this context, as we saw, dōra entered politics unproblematically;<br />
numerous sources attest to the perquisites received by a variety of magistrates.<br />
Negotiation of these duties within the context of personal friendships was inevitable, but<br />
it was also desirable to the extent that it fostered greater cooperation and an ethos of<br />
community among the citizens. 5 In practice the leveraging of private relationships in<br />
politics created a range of outcomes, from desirable to undesirable, helpful to harmful.<br />
Hence the Athenians needed some way to differentiate between the good and the bad<br />
leveraging of relationships to achieve political outcomes. Accusations of bribery<br />
4 Recall, for instance, that in the dōrodokia trials of Cimon and the unnamed public official of Lysias 21,<br />
both defendants insisted that whatever dōra they had received should be evaluated according to how much<br />
they had given back to the community: Plut. Cim. 14.3, Lys. 21 passim. Conversely, during the disastrous<br />
Sicilian expedition of the Peloponnesian War, the general Nicias fears returning to Athens, lest the people<br />
(erroneously) condemn him for having taken bribes to lose in battle: Thuc. 7.48.4; cf. 4.65.2-4.<br />
5 Note, too, how higher rates of political participation in Athens meant that political office could be<br />
leveraged by ultimately more citizens in helping, or in being helped by, their friends. Without a discrete<br />
class of repeat political players consistently benefiting from access to public office, the stigma against gifts<br />
to public officials might have been necessarily small. By contrast, in precisely those areas where we do<br />
find a narrower range of political participation—notably military generals and public speakers—anxieties<br />
over the mixing of money and politics were relatively great.<br />
326