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BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua

BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua

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Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Seven<br />

the law and see that the prevailing norm was, merely, a general ‘harm’ to the people. As<br />

a result, bribery trials became a popular means of contesting the legitimacy of political<br />

outcomes: practically any bad political outcome could be considered a ‘harm’ and was,<br />

accordingly, blamed on dōrodokia. 31 With each trial, the appropriate body, with<br />

authority within that particular domain, would signal whether or not an outcome should<br />

be deemed a ‘harm’ or a benefit to the community; indeed, it would decide between two<br />

competing ideas of how that ‘harm’ or benefit should be defined.<br />

Take, for instance, the series of late-fifth-century accountability measures<br />

designed to ensure that public speakers would not simply follow the money or pander to<br />

the masses. With both the graphē paranomōn and the creation of an eisangelia for<br />

prosecuting rhētores, public speakers would be held accountable for the laws, decrees,<br />

and proposals they recommended. The graphē paranomōn, or public suit against<br />

‘unconstitutional’ proposals, was used against any speaker who had proposed a law or<br />

decree that conflicted with other laws or decrees. 32 In the fourth century, it was used<br />

frequently, and often the basis for prosecuting a public speaker was that his proposal had<br />

been against the city’s interests. 33 The penalty was a sometimes considerable fine, and<br />

disfranchisement if convicted three times. Similarly, an eisangelia, as explored in<br />

31 A point nicely brought out by Harvey (1985: 112-13). Hyperides 4.3 makes a similar claim about how<br />

in his day the impeachment law (nomos eisangeltikos) was being abused to enable prosecutions for trivial<br />

offenses, like hiring out flute-girls at a price higher than that fixed by law, that had nothing to do with the<br />

impeachment law itself.<br />

32 In 403/2, the distinction between nomoi (laws) and psēphismata (public decrees, which were ad hoc<br />

measures) became formalized with different processes for enacting each: Hansen (1983: 161-76). At this<br />

point, the Athenians created a graphē nomon mē epitēdeion theinai (public suit for enacting an inexpedient<br />

nomos) to deal with unconstitutional laws, while the graphē paranomōn continued to be used for<br />

unconstitutional decrees.<br />

33 E.g. Dem. 22.35-78, 23.100-214; Aeschin. 3.49-200. Wolff (1970: 45-67). As catalogued in Hansen<br />

(1974), we have at least 35 attested examples of the graphē paranomōn dating to the second half of the<br />

democracy (403-322 BCE), from which Hansen (1991: 208-9) plausibly extrapolates that the “vast<br />

majority” of Athenian political leaders would have been prosecuted under the graphē at one point or<br />

another in their career.<br />

311

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