BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua
BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua
Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Seven contestation of which definition of a norm should become legitimate. Here, in the case of anti-bribery legislation, the Athenians appear to have actively used the courts as a locus for creating and contesting the legitimacy of certain public norms. It should be noted that, if what constituted dōrodokia was contested by individuals and was decided ultimately by the people, not by the law per se, any legal definition of dōrodokia need not have acted as a deterrent. Two features of the Athenian laws on dōrodokia support this interpretation: as the previous chapter traced, the legal history of dōrodokia entailed both a legal redefinition of dōrodokia and frequent changes in which judicial body would hear dōrodokia cases. Around the end of the fifth century, the original law against bribery was changed from “If someone is bribed…” to “If someone gives or receives…to the harm of the people…”; similar wording can be found in other anti-bribery legislation that was created around the same time. Such a modification to the original law seems to have incorporated a generally accepted, albeit still quite vague, definition of dōrodokia. Prior to this re-definition, Athenians frequently defined dōrodokia in roughly similar terms as a general ‘bad’ to the community 25 ; remarkably, after this legal redefinition, in the fourth century it was defined by litigants not as a general ‘bad’ but specifically as a ‘harm’. 26 This is the only example in all of Athenian law in which there is a strong correlation 25 So, in Sophocles’ Antigone money is said to re-teach the minds of good men so that they take to “shameful” deeds (ai0sxra/, 299); in this respect, it is a “bad” institution (kako/n, 296). Similarly, the Rhodian poet Timocrates twice lambastes Themistocles for being ‘unjust’ in having taken bribes to break his promise to restore the poet: Plut. Them. 21.1-3. When Callias was (perhaps?) condemned for bribery at a euthyna after serving as an ambassador, he was condemned purportedly for being “hateful and not useful” to the polis (e)xqro\n…kai\ a)lusitele/j th| = po/lei, Dem. 19.275). 26 This argument is partial, at best, for we simply do not have enough forensic evidence prior to the adoption of the law, and afterwards we have primarily only forensic evidence. 307
Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Seven between how litigants and the law defined an offense. 27 The redrafting of the original law against dōrodokia thus had the crucial effect of focusing litigants’ attention on what, precisely, constituted ‘harm against the people’; the norm itself was under trial. Why would dōrodokia legislation be an exception? It is certainly possible that this was an unintended, even unforeseeable, effect of the new anti-bribery legislation towards the end of the fifth century—we have no contemporary evidence either way about the discussions that went into anti-bribery legislation, so certainty is impossible. Recall, though, that especially for the Athenians accusations of bribery were always already claims about polity. It would make sense for a litigant to rely on the wording of a law precisely because what constituted dōrodokia was a matter that could be defined only by the community as a whole. In this light, because of the peculiarly political nature of dōrodokia, the law—i.e. the dēmos’ benchmark for how to define dōrodokia—played an unusually authoritative role in forensic debates. Moreover, the legislative motivation I am positing here accords well with another curious feature of Athenian anti-bribery legislation: the wide range of institutional settings in which trials could be held, what we termed domains of authority in the last chapter. For any given offense in Athenian law there were often multiple legal procedures, each with its own distinct incentives and legal penalties (for both prosecutor and defendant)—presumably to give prosecutors the greatest flexibility in choosing whether or not to prosecute. Most of these options, however, did not change the venue of the trial. Whereas most offenses had at most two different venues for prosecution, at one point or another dōrodokia trials were heard by at least four different institutional bodies: 27 Contra Todd (2000a), who maintains that there was never any such marked legal language at Athens; cf. Johnstone (1999). 308
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Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Seven<br />
between how litigants and the law defined an offense. 27 The redrafting of the original<br />
law against dōrodokia thus had the crucial effect of focusing litigants’ attention on what,<br />
precisely, constituted ‘harm against the people’; the norm itself was under trial.<br />
Why would dōrodokia legislation be an exception? It is certainly possible that<br />
this was an unintended, even unforeseeable, effect of the new anti-bribery legislation<br />
towards the end of the fifth century—we have no contemporary evidence either way<br />
about the discussions that went into anti-bribery legislation, so certainty is impossible.<br />
Recall, though, that especially for the Athenians accusations of bribery were always<br />
already claims about polity. It would make sense for a litigant to rely on the wording of a<br />
law precisely because what constituted dōrodokia was a matter that could be defined only<br />
by the community as a whole. In this light, because of the peculiarly political nature of<br />
dōrodokia, the law—i.e. the dēmos’ benchmark for how to define dōrodokia—played an<br />
unusually authoritative role in forensic debates.<br />
Moreover, the legislative motivation I am positing here accords well with another<br />
curious feature of Athenian anti-bribery legislation: the wide range of institutional<br />
settings in which trials could be held, what we termed domains of authority in the last<br />
chapter. For any given offense in Athenian law there were often multiple legal<br />
procedures, each with its own distinct incentives and legal penalties (for both prosecutor<br />
and defendant)—presumably to give prosecutors the greatest flexibility in choosing<br />
whether or not to prosecute. Most of these options, however, did not change the venue of<br />
the trial. Whereas most offenses had at most two different venues for prosecution, at one<br />
point or another dōrodokia trials were heard by at least four different institutional bodies:<br />
27 Contra Todd (2000a), who maintains that there was never any such marked legal language at Athens; cf.<br />
Johnstone (1999).<br />
308