BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua
BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua
Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Seven Mass Education, Elite exempla, and the Legitimation of Political Norms in the Courts: It was noted above that the elaborate sortition of jurors and magistrates would have affected primarily the masses, while it was primarily elite citizens who would have been prosecuted for dōrodokia of whatever type. In other words, it would have been mainly the masses who were so ‘educated’ by the sortition procedures in the fourth century, whereas elites would have been punished by the law. Did legal regulation of elite behavior through Athenian laws on dōrodokia have any such educative function? In this section, I will argue that it did, but not as a means of educating someone who had already taken bribes; rather, much like the institutional changes outlined above, the law in action was intended to educate the citizenry as a whole. As we have traced with changing conceptions of the dōrodokos, elites were held up as negative exempla for how citizens should behave. In this way, we should think of the law in action as a valuable site of civic education at Athens; particularly when it came to dōrodokia, it opened up a unique political space for legitimizing fundamental political norms. One as yet unanswered question in our investigation of Athenian bribery is whose definition of bribery prevailed, and by what process did that definition become legitimate? This was a question of vital importance to the democracy. When a general was on campaign, if he effected some unacceptable outcome, the dēmos needed to signal the illegitimacy of that outcome, but how? There was precious little time in Assembly meetings, and the circulation of gossip was an unreliable means of signaling the legitimacy of public actions. 16 As this section will argue, the Athenians’ solution was to create a legal space wherein an outcome—or politician, or political process—could itself 16 On gossip in Athens, see Hunter (1990). 303
Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Seven stand trial; that is, the Athenians created a legal space for articulating political legitimacy. This space was a trial for dōrodokia, and it was at just such a trial that competing definitions of dōrodokia, hence competing understandings of what constituted legitimate, democratic action, might be contested. Adriaan Lanni has recently argued that the courts at Athens were used to enforce informal norms generally rather than to uphold formal, legal statutes specifically. 17 Indeed, there are good historical reasons for adopting her view. Without a police force or public prosecutors, prosecution—like the enforcement of a penalty—was left largely to private initiative, whether by the victim in a private suit or by ‘whoever was willing’ in a public suit. 18 As a result, with no legal experts—no professional lawmakers, judges, or lawyers—the Athenians never imagined that the language of ‘the law’ was in any way autonomous from society. 19 The jury, composed of hundreds, sometimes thousands, of citizens who may or may not have been familiar with a given law, learned the ‘relevant’ law only if one of the litigants chose to have it read aloud. Even then, the content of laws was not granted any privileged authority within the courts, as statutes were treated just like any other source of communal norms, including poetry, public decrees, or general platitudes about good or bad behavior. 20 When jurors cast their votes, they did so immediately after the litigants’ speeches, without consulting among themselves, and without any instruction from a legal expert, often without any instruction about the law. 17 Lanni (2006, forthcoming). See also Cohen (1991, 1995), Johnstone (1999), Allen (2000: 176-83). 18 Hunter (1994), Lanni (forthcoming: 2). 19 Carey (1994), contra Johnstone (1999); Todd (2000b). 20 For the significance of this, see Mirhady (1990), Allen (2000: 174-6), Lanni (2006, forthcoming). Note how Aristotle claims that a speaker’s ethos was more important than almost anything else in a speech (Rhet. 1356a). 304
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Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Seven<br />
stand trial; that is, the Athenians created a legal space for articulating political legitimacy.<br />
This space was a trial for dōrodokia, and it was at just such a trial that competing<br />
definitions of dōrodokia, hence competing understandings of what constituted legitimate,<br />
democratic action, might be contested.<br />
Adriaan Lanni has recently argued that the courts at Athens were used to enforce<br />
informal norms generally rather than to uphold formal, legal statutes specifically. 17<br />
Indeed, there are good historical reasons for adopting her view. Without a police force or<br />
public prosecutors, prosecution—like the enforcement of a penalty—was left largely to<br />
private initiative, whether by the victim in a private suit or by ‘whoever was willing’ in a<br />
public suit. 18 As a result, with no legal experts—no professional lawmakers, judges, or<br />
lawyers—the Athenians never imagined that the language of ‘the law’ was in any way<br />
autonomous from society. 19 The jury, composed of hundreds, sometimes thousands, of<br />
citizens who may or may not have been familiar with a given law, learned the ‘relevant’<br />
law only if one of the litigants chose to have it read aloud. Even then, the content of laws<br />
was not granted any privileged authority within the courts, as statutes were treated just<br />
like any other source of communal norms, including poetry, public decrees, or general<br />
platitudes about good or bad behavior. 20 When jurors cast their votes, they did so<br />
immediately after the litigants’ speeches, without consulting among themselves, and<br />
without any instruction from a legal expert, often without any instruction about the law.<br />
17<br />
Lanni (2006, forthcoming). See also Cohen (1991, 1995), Johnstone (1999), Allen (2000: 176-83).<br />
18<br />
Hunter (1994), Lanni (forthcoming: 2).<br />
19<br />
Carey (1994), contra Johnstone (1999); Todd (2000b).<br />
20<br />
For the significance of this, see Mirhady (1990), Allen (2000: 174-6), Lanni (2006, forthcoming). Note<br />
how Aristotle claims that a speaker’s ethos was more important than almost anything else in a speech<br />
(Rhet. 1356a).<br />
304