BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua
BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua
Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Six should we forget the suspected corruption in the prosecution and acquittal of Cimon. What the AP might mean is that the legally defined practice of dekazein, whence the name graphē dekasmou, was “first made public by Anytus” (prw/tou katadei/cantoj 0Anu/tou, AP 27.5). In other words, Anytus was acquitted at his eisangelia and was publicly rumored to have bribed the jury, yet presumably never was prosecuted for it. 65 Following the AP, we should therefore date the institution of the graphē dekasmou to sometime between the 440’s and 409, probably closer to Anytus’ trial in 409. Little attention has been paid to the other graphai cited alongside the graphē dekasmou, but these laws actually provide crucial context for understanding the import of the legislation. After all, why would the Athenians group together laws on conspiring, bribing jurors, forming a political faction, and taking bribes for being a public prosecutor or witness? 66 The conjunction of conspiracy and bribery suggests that all of these offenses entailed concerted corruption of one form or another: groups of citizens, who were not magistrates, coming together to affect the outcomes of political processes. To be sure, at this time the hetaireiai, or political clubs, were a major force in Athenian politics in large part because they could pack the Assembly to help sway the dēmos’ opinion. So, too, were their members suspected of helping each other out in court by providing false testimony or by “joining in bribing” the jury, as the verb sundeka/zein were smaller. Likewise, when in a speech dated to 403, Isocrates remarks that one Xenotimus was known to have bribed juries, his reference to dekazein makes it clear that the practice was already quite familiar in Athens (Isoc. 18.11). Both uses of the verb dekazein strongly suggest that Anytus did not develop a particular method of ‘tenning’ a jury: Calhoun (1913: 66-7), and recall from Chapter One that the folk derivation of dekazein from dekas (“ten”) has little grounding in reality. 65 On this meaning of the verb katadei/knumi, see also Hdt. 1.163, 4.42. Similarly, the friends of Ergocles were rumored to have gone around saying that they had bribed 2100 jurors during his trial (Lys. 29.12). Ergocles was nevertheless convicted and sentenced to death. 66 Accordingly, Thalheim’s emendations, discussed above, effectively remove the first clause on conspiracy. Similarly, Gernet (1957: 185) goes so far as to delete the clause on setting up a hetaireia to overthrow the dēmos—presumably because it has nothing to do with judicial bribery, and MacDowell takes issue with “why the Boule is added to the list of courts” (1983a: 66-7, quote on 66). 283
Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Six properly means. 67 Just as a lone public speaker might corrupt the Assembly by making promises unasked, groups of private citizens, too, could work together to corrupt larger political bodies, especially those with judicial functions. 68 The emphasis on judicial bodies was critical, for one of the underlying reasons for these legislative changes was that citizens and officials, alike, were escaping accountability for their actions. Clearly this fear underpinned the graphē which targeted synēgoroi—whether public prosecutors or witnesses, it is unclear which the law intends here—suspected of taking money for the sake of a judicial suit (e)pi\ tai=j di/kaij, [Dem.] 46.26). Contemporary sources, as well, describe how officials might use the courts to avoid going to trial. In one case, dated to 419, a defendant describes how, during his tenure in the Council, he discovered maladministration among various boards of financial officials. When he tried to bring this wrongdoing to light, they banded together and bribed one of his enemies to bring a suit against him (Ant. 6.49-50). Although the officials were in the meantime found guilty, as were the people with whom they had deposited the dōra (Ant. 6.50), the blatant misuse of the courts was troubling. Read against the backdrop of the numerous setbacks of the Peloponnesian War and the oligarchic revolutions of 411/10 and 404, this flurry of legal changes reveals a persistent anxiety that political institutions were being corrupted en masse. Still more troubling, therefore, was that dōrodokia could be associated with the most pernicious breakdown of political institutions: the circumventing of public accountability. Certainly political agents—public officials like stratēgoi or dēmarchs, jurors and councilmen— 67 On the political influence of the hetaireiai, Calhoun (1913) is still essential. Cf. Thuc. 8.54.4, Plato Tht. 173d, [Dem.] 54.31-7. 68 Calhoun (1913: 40-96, esp. 66-76) persuasively sets forth the evidence for the interconnection of hetaireiai and dōrodokia involving the courts. See further Rubinstein (2000: 198-212). 284
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Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Six<br />
should we forget the suspected corruption in the prosecution and acquittal of Cimon.<br />
What the AP might mean is that the legally defined practice of dekazein, whence the<br />
name graphē dekasmou, was “first made public by Anytus” (prw/tou katadei/cantoj<br />
0Anu/tou, AP 27.5). In other words, Anytus was acquitted at his eisangelia and was<br />
publicly rumored to have bribed the jury, yet presumably never was prosecuted for it. 65<br />
Following the AP, we should therefore date the institution of the graphē dekasmou to<br />
sometime between the 440’s and 409, probably closer to Anytus’ trial in 409.<br />
Little attention has been paid to the other graphai cited alongside the graphē<br />
dekasmou, but these laws actually provide crucial context for understanding the import of<br />
the legislation. After all, why would the Athenians group together laws on conspiring,<br />
bribing jurors, forming a political faction, and taking bribes for being a public prosecutor<br />
or witness? 66 The conjunction of conspiracy and bribery suggests that all of these<br />
offenses entailed concerted corruption of one form or another: groups of citizens, who<br />
were not magistrates, coming together to affect the outcomes of political processes. To<br />
be sure, at this time the hetaireiai, or political clubs, were a major force in Athenian<br />
politics in large part because they could pack the Assembly to help sway the dēmos’<br />
opinion. So, too, were their members suspected of helping each other out in court by<br />
providing false testimony or by “joining in bribing” the jury, as the verb sundeka/zein<br />
were smaller. Likewise, when in a speech dated to 403, Isocrates remarks that one Xenotimus was known<br />
to have bribed juries, his reference to dekazein makes it clear that the practice was already quite familiar in<br />
Athens (Isoc. 18.11). Both uses of the verb dekazein strongly suggest that Anytus did not develop a<br />
particular method of ‘tenning’ a jury: Calhoun (1913: 66-7), and recall from Chapter One that the folk<br />
derivation of dekazein from dekas (“ten”) has little grounding in reality.<br />
65 On this meaning of the verb katadei/knumi, see also Hdt. 1.163, 4.42. Similarly, the friends of Ergocles<br />
were rumored to have gone around saying that they had bribed 2100 jurors during his trial (Lys. 29.12).<br />
Ergocles was nevertheless convicted and sentenced to death.<br />
66 Accordingly, Thalheim’s emendations, discussed above, effectively remove the first clause on<br />
conspiracy. Similarly, Gernet (1957: 185) goes so far as to delete the clause on setting up a hetaireia to<br />
overthrow the dēmos—presumably because it has nothing to do with judicial bribery, and MacDowell takes<br />
issue with “why the Boule is added to the list of courts” (1983a: 66-7, quote on 66).<br />
283