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BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua

BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua

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Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Six<br />

and his counsel. The Athenians outside the Council meeting eventually “got wind of”<br />

Lycides’ recommendation and immediately stoned him to death (cf. w(j e)pu/qonto, Hdt.<br />

9.5), and there was such an uproar (qoru/bou) in Salamis over Lycides that, after the<br />

women finally heard about what had happened (punqa/nontai to\ gino/menon, Hdt. 9.5),<br />

they too took action, marching to Lycides’ home and stoning his wife and children to<br />

death.<br />

Significantly, Herodotus uses military metaphors to describe the women’s actions,<br />

as each woman “ordered on” the next (diakeleusame/nh, Hdt. 9.5), and they approached<br />

the home “at their own command” (au)tokele/ej, Hdt. 9.5). As subtly conveyed by these<br />

metaphors, the stoning of Lycides and his family was a concerted, informal response by<br />

the entire community, a response which, like an army marching against an enemy, aimed<br />

to contain a threat to the city. As with a formal trial or decree of the Assembly, the<br />

community came together, heard a report, and collectively pronounced judgment on the<br />

offender. 14 In this way, Lycides’ apparently untenable counsel was replaced by public<br />

speech, then collective action by the people as a whole; in casting Lycides’ actions as<br />

outside the Council’s domain of authority, the people effectively replicated the kinds of<br />

action permissible within that domain. It is worth pointing out that such permissible<br />

actions were manifestly democratic modes of politics.<br />

14 Note how, in Lycurgus’ account, the Assembly was thought to have taken the formal step of passing a<br />

public decree about Lycides (Lyc. 1.122). But such a decree, if in fact it existed—cf. Habicht (1961: 21-<br />

2)—would have been drafted only after the fact, as even Lycurgus’ account suggests: Flower and<br />

Marincola (2002: 108 ad Hdt. 9.5.2). Herodotus might preserve an oblique hint of this mirroring of formal<br />

action in his report that, when the Athenians heard about Lycides’ proposal, they “stood around” him and<br />

stoned him to death (perista/ntej, Hdt. 9.5). Such a scene certainly recalls the public nature of archaic<br />

court trials, like that represented on the shield of Achilles, where crowds stood around the litigants and<br />

judges: Hom. Il. 18.502-3, Hes. WD 29. But, as Asheri (1977: 177 ad Hdt. 9.5.6-9) notes, Herodotus’<br />

precise wording might be a reference to trials in Classical Athens, as well, where at least in the fourth<br />

century “those standing around” a trial (oi( periesthko/tej) were frequently invoked by litigants as a<br />

critical part of the trial itself: Lanni (1997). Likewise, the qo/ruboj that rose up in the city might suggest<br />

the “din” of the crowd often invoked by speakers in court, on which see especially Bers (1985).<br />

260

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