BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua
BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua
Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Five punishment. 56 Despite such contemporary accounts, these additional penalties have no clear place in the wording of the Demosthenic law. While it is certainly possible that the scholiast lopped off these additional penalties when incorporating the law into Demosthenes’ speech, we would still need to identify when they were added to the law. After all, it does not seem likely that all three penalties were simultaneously included in the initial drafting of the law. Unlike most early Athenian laws, which tend to outline both an offense and a legal process for prosecuting offenders, the Demosthenic law is silent on procedure. 57 We know from other sources, however, that the graphē dōrōn entailed bringing a graphē before the thesmothetai, who comprised six of the nine archons, the most important non- military magistrates in Athens (AP 54.2). In terms of procedure, therefore, we are left with two questions: why is legal process omitted from the Demosthenic text, and was a graphē before the thesmothetai the original procedure employed when the law was first drafted? It is possible that, when the Athenian law code was revised in 409-399, because laws seemed to have been grouped together by procedure according to the magistrate who presided over the trial, some laws may have been redrafted and displayed without explicit mention of procedure in the law itself. 58 So, for instance, another speech of and Lys. 21.11, 25 (403/2). This is good evidence that the atimia stipulated in the original law was interpreted as disfranchisement by the end of the fifth century. 56 Din. 1.60, Hyp. 5.24 (conjectured). 57 On the procedural, as opposed to substantive, emphasis of (especially archaic) Athenian law, see Gagarin (1986: 51-97), Todd (1993: 64-7). The locus classicus for this idea is the law governing the graphē hubreōs, cited at Dem. 21.47: “If a man commits hubris (u(bri/zh|)…” and proceeds to lay out the procedure for bringing him to justice without defining what actually constituted hubris. 58 Quoting the decree of Teisamenus, which ordered the revision of the laws, Andocides says that the laws were to be drafted on tablets initially and handed over to the magistrates (Andoc. 1.83); Ostwald (1986: 515) plausibly takes this to mean that each magistrate received the laws that fell within his domain of authority. In that case, although the decree omits this detail, it is likely that the final publication of the laws 241
Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Five Demosthenes preserves a ‘law’ which, in fact, is a collocation of distinct laws with the same procedure. 59 Conceivably, in the fourth century this summary grouping of laws, together with a single procedure, was displayed next to the full text of each individual law, each of which texts may not have duplicated the procedure involved. 60 In this way, when the scholiast inserted the law against dōrodokia into the Demosthenic text, his source might very well have lacked any mention of legal process. I suggest that the graphē dōrōn underwent the same legal changes as some of the other offenses collected in the ‘law’ cited at Demosthenes 46.26—all of which also called for a graphē before the thesmothetai. Some of these offenses are found in the so-called impeachment law (nomos eisangeltikos), which, though drafted around 411/0, actually reflects a much older catalogue of public wrongs. 61 Originally, a number of offenses in the nomos eisangeltikos may have been intended specifically for public officials, who were subject to a written indictment, alternately called an eisangelia or graphē. 62 Only also would have been grouped according to the presiding magistrate, although Gallia (2004: 455) rightly stresses that in fact the anagrapheis would have had some latitude in how they gathered together the laws for republication. For further background on the revision of Athenian laws at the end of the fifth century, see Hansen (1990a; 1991: 162-5), Rhodes (1991), Gallia (2004), Lanni (2006: 142-8). Papakonstantinou (2008: 61-2) points to precisely the same kind of ‘dialogue’ between statutes in the archaic law code of the Cretan city of Gortyn. 59 [Dem.] 46.26, discussed in further detail below. The ‘law’ transmitted in the text combines various laws against conspiracy, bribing juries, and forming a hetaireia, each of which offenses was prosecutable by a graphē before the thesmothetai, brought by anyone who wanted. See Lavency (1964: 91ff.) on the law’s authenticity. For further compilations of this sort, see IG i 3 105, 236-41, Gallia (2004: 454-5). 60 The procedure and penalty for overthrowing the dēmos, for example, were listed separately: see respectively [Dem.] 46.26 and And. 1.96. 61 Note how both contain provisions against forming a hetaireia or overthrowing the dēmos: [Dem.] 46.26, Hyp. 4.8. 62 The entire second clause of the nomos eisangeltikos, on treason, seems to have applied primarily to stratēgoi. Similarly, conspiring to overthrow the dēmos and trying to set up a tyranny were essentially one and the same—Demophantus’ law against tyranny contains both, after all (And. 1.96-8)—yet the real concern with tyrants was that a prominent official might try to appropriate too much power, as feared with Cylon, Solon, Pesistratus and Isagoras. I follow Ruschenbush (1968: 73-4), Carawan (1985: 117) in positing that the verb ei)sagge/llein may originally have applied to any public indictment against a magistrate, whether in office or having just completed his term: cf. AP 4.4. Because these indictments could have been presented in written form (a graphē), it is understandable that later sources use the words eisangelia and graphē interchangeably to describe denouncements of public officials. 242
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Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Five<br />
punishment. 56 Despite such contemporary accounts, these additional penalties have no<br />
clear place in the wording of the Demosthenic law. While it is certainly possible that the<br />
scholiast lopped off these additional penalties when incorporating the law into<br />
Demosthenes’ speech, we would still need to identify when they were added to the law.<br />
After all, it does not seem likely that all three penalties were simultaneously included in<br />
the initial drafting of the law.<br />
Unlike most early Athenian laws, which tend to outline both an offense and a<br />
legal process for prosecuting offenders, the Demosthenic law is silent on procedure. 57<br />
We know from other sources, however, that the graphē dōrōn entailed bringing a graphē<br />
before the thesmothetai, who comprised six of the nine archons, the most important non-<br />
military magistrates in Athens (AP 54.2). In terms of procedure, therefore, we are left<br />
with two questions: why is legal process omitted from the Demosthenic text, and was a<br />
graphē before the thesmothetai the original procedure employed when the law was first<br />
drafted?<br />
It is possible that, when the Athenian law code was revised in 409-399, because<br />
laws seemed to have been grouped together by procedure according to the magistrate<br />
who presided over the trial, some laws may have been redrafted and displayed without<br />
explicit mention of procedure in the law itself. 58 So, for instance, another speech of<br />
and Lys. 21.11, 25 (403/2). This is good evidence that the atimia stipulated in the original law was<br />
interpreted as disfranchisement by the end of the fifth century.<br />
56 Din. 1.60, Hyp. 5.24 (conjectured).<br />
57 On the procedural, as opposed to substantive, emphasis of (especially archaic) Athenian law, see Gagarin<br />
(1986: 51-97), Todd (1993: 64-7). The locus classicus for this idea is the law governing the graphē<br />
hubreōs, cited at Dem. 21.47: “If a man commits hubris (u(bri/zh|)…” and proceeds to lay out the procedure<br />
for bringing him to justice without defining what actually constituted hubris.<br />
58 Quoting the decree of Teisamenus, which ordered the revision of the laws, Andocides says that the laws<br />
were to be drafted on tablets initially and handed over to the magistrates (Andoc. 1.83); Ostwald (1986:<br />
515) plausibly takes this to mean that each magistrate received the laws that fell within his domain of<br />
authority. In that case, although the decree omits this detail, it is likely that the final publication of the laws<br />
241