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BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua

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Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Four<br />

who had played a central role at every step of the way, but others too were publicly<br />

accused, including Demosthenes’ ally Phocion and the anti-Macedonian Hyperides (Plut.<br />

Phoc. 21-22). On Demosthenes’ initiative they turned to the Areopagus to investigate the<br />

matter (e.g. Din. 1.4). After six months of investigation and deliberation, the Areopagus<br />

produced a list of ten names with ten monetary amounts: Demosthenes at the top of the<br />

list, then Demades, Aristogiton and seven others (Hyp. 5.5-7). All ten were tried for<br />

dōrodokia before a jury of 1,500 citizens: of the ten, only Demosthenes and Demades<br />

were convicted for sure; fined 50 talents, Demosthenes left the city in exile. 63<br />

We have four prosecution speeches from the trial—Hyperides’ speech against<br />

Demosthenes (Hyp. 5), and Dinarchus’ three speeches each written on behalf of one of<br />

the prosecutors against Demosthenes, Aristogiton, and Philocles (respectively, Din. 1-<br />

3)—all of which orations employ essentially the same rhetorical strategies against their<br />

opponent. 64 Indeed, this is unsurprising given that, beyond the Areopagus’ terse report<br />

(Hyp. 5.5-7), there was no evidence against the defendants. Here we will focus on<br />

Dinarchus’ speech against Demosthenes, by far the longest and best preserved of the<br />

foursome (Din. 1). As we will see, although the nature of the trial naturally focused on<br />

condemning Demosthenes, in Dinarchus’ speech the greatest threat to the city was not<br />

63 Demades’ punishment is mentioned in Din.1.29, 104. Of the other citizens on trial, Philocles was<br />

probably convicted (cf. Dem. Ep. 3.31-2); Aristogiton was acquitted (Dem. Ep. 3.37, 42), as perhaps were<br />

Hagnonides and Polyeuctus of Sphettus ([Plut.] Mor. 846c-d). This split in convictions based on the exact<br />

same evidence has only reinforced scholars’ suspicions that the Harpalus Affair was a political trial aimed<br />

at removing Demosthenes and Demades from Athens: so, for example, Worthington (1992: 58-73; 1994:<br />

308-9; 2000b: 106); cf. Badian (1961: 34-5). While this possibility cannot be ruled out, it should be noted<br />

that, although the prosecution admittedly had the same positive evidence against each defendant—i.e. the<br />

Areopagus’ report (Din. 1.113, 2.21; Hyp. 5.5-7)—the assumption that the same evidence fit the character<br />

and history of each defendant identically is erroneous. After all, forensic oratory is rife with ethical<br />

arguments which predicated the plausibility of guilt or innocence on a defendant’s character. Thus, despite<br />

the Areopagus’ report, it might have been easy to believe that Demosthenes, but not Aristogiton, say, was<br />

the kind of person who would readily be suspected of being part of a network of corruption.<br />

64 Recent commentaries on these speeches are provided in Whitehead (2000) for Hyperides and<br />

Worthington (2000b) for Dinarchus.<br />

196

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