BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua
BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua
Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Four city’s anti-Macedonian leaders. Though initially forbidden to enter the city with a sizeable number of troops, he was later granted entry as a suppliant. Immediately, there arrived envoys from Alexander’s mother and Antipater, the viceroy of Greece, demanding that Harpalus return the treasure he had stolen (Hyp. 5.8; Diod. 17.108.7). In response, Demosthenes proposed that Harpalus be held in jail and the treasure be placed in the Acropolis for safe-keeping until official word from Alexander arrived (Din. 1.70, 89, 90; [Plut.] X. Or. 846b). The people agreed and decided that Harpalus’ money— which the Macedonian claimed totaled 700 talents (Hyp. 5.9-10; [Plut.] X.Or. 846b)— would be taken to the Acropolis the following day. The next day, Demosthenes departed for Olympia on a political embassy; upon his return, Harpalus escaped from prison, and the Athenians discovered much to their dismay that only 350 talents remained in the Acropolis. 62 It was assumed that Harpalus had used the missing 350 talents to bribe his way to freedom; most of the city’s leaders were consequently under suspicion. This was a truly grave offense, for the Athenians could not have imagined that Alexander would be happy that they had let escape a former official who had stolen a tremendous sum from the King. The city panicked amid a growing number of accusations of treason and plots against the people (Ath. 8.341f-342). Most of the suspicion focused on Demosthenes, 62 The Harpalus Affair cannot properly be understood without reference to the larger political context of Alexander’s return from India, at which time the king decreed that all Greek poleis accept the return of their exiles and mercenaries—displaced groups whose presence posed a direct threat to Alexander (cf. Hyp. 5.18-19). Though the Exiles Decree loomed large in the background of the Harpalus Affair—in particular Athens, wishing to retain Samos rather than have the island’s exiled population return, sought to appease Alexander perhaps by getting rid of his antagonist Demosthenes—this political background does not play any discernible role in how the prosecution condemned Demosthenes. In other words, it is in itself significant that the specific, compelling arguments used to convict Demosthenes refer only to this second narrative of dōrodokia qua treason and not at all to Demosthenes’ adversarial relations with Alexander. Moreover, it is not at all clear that Demosthenes’ role in the Harpalus Affair would have placed Athens in any more precarious role vis. Alexander: as Dinarchus reports, Alexander never even asked that Harpalus’ money be returned (Din. 1.68). On the historical and political context, see further Badian (1961), Sealey (1993: 212-15), Whitehead (2000: 355-64), Worthington (2000b: 41-77). 195
Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Four who had played a central role at every step of the way, but others too were publicly accused, including Demosthenes’ ally Phocion and the anti-Macedonian Hyperides (Plut. Phoc. 21-22). On Demosthenes’ initiative they turned to the Areopagus to investigate the matter (e.g. Din. 1.4). After six months of investigation and deliberation, the Areopagus produced a list of ten names with ten monetary amounts: Demosthenes at the top of the list, then Demades, Aristogiton and seven others (Hyp. 5.5-7). All ten were tried for dōrodokia before a jury of 1,500 citizens: of the ten, only Demosthenes and Demades were convicted for sure; fined 50 talents, Demosthenes left the city in exile. 63 We have four prosecution speeches from the trial—Hyperides’ speech against Demosthenes (Hyp. 5), and Dinarchus’ three speeches each written on behalf of one of the prosecutors against Demosthenes, Aristogiton, and Philocles (respectively, Din. 1- 3)—all of which orations employ essentially the same rhetorical strategies against their opponent. 64 Indeed, this is unsurprising given that, beyond the Areopagus’ terse report (Hyp. 5.5-7), there was no evidence against the defendants. Here we will focus on Dinarchus’ speech against Demosthenes, by far the longest and best preserved of the foursome (Din. 1). As we will see, although the nature of the trial naturally focused on condemning Demosthenes, in Dinarchus’ speech the greatest threat to the city was not 63 Demades’ punishment is mentioned in Din.1.29, 104. Of the other citizens on trial, Philocles was probably convicted (cf. Dem. Ep. 3.31-2); Aristogiton was acquitted (Dem. Ep. 3.37, 42), as perhaps were Hagnonides and Polyeuctus of Sphettus ([Plut.] Mor. 846c-d). This split in convictions based on the exact same evidence has only reinforced scholars’ suspicions that the Harpalus Affair was a political trial aimed at removing Demosthenes and Demades from Athens: so, for example, Worthington (1992: 58-73; 1994: 308-9; 2000b: 106); cf. Badian (1961: 34-5). While this possibility cannot be ruled out, it should be noted that, although the prosecution admittedly had the same positive evidence against each defendant—i.e. the Areopagus’ report (Din. 1.113, 2.21; Hyp. 5.5-7)—the assumption that the same evidence fit the character and history of each defendant identically is erroneous. After all, forensic oratory is rife with ethical arguments which predicated the plausibility of guilt or innocence on a defendant’s character. Thus, despite the Areopagus’ report, it might have been easy to believe that Demosthenes, but not Aristogiton, say, was the kind of person who would readily be suspected of being part of a network of corruption. 64 Recent commentaries on these speeches are provided in Whitehead (2000) for Hyperides and Worthington (2000b) for Dinarchus. 196
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Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Four<br />
city’s anti-Macedonian leaders. Though initially forbidden to enter the city with a<br />
sizeable number of troops, he was later granted entry as a suppliant. Immediately, there<br />
arrived envoys from Alexander’s mother and Antipater, the viceroy of Greece,<br />
demanding that Harpalus return the treasure he had stolen (Hyp. 5.8; Diod. 17.108.7). In<br />
response, Demosthenes proposed that Harpalus be held in jail and the treasure be placed<br />
in the Acropolis for safe-keeping until official word from Alexander arrived (Din. 1.70,<br />
89, 90; [Plut.] X. Or. 846b). The people agreed and decided that Harpalus’ money—<br />
which the Macedonian claimed totaled 700 talents (Hyp. 5.9-10; [Plut.] X.Or. 846b)—<br />
would be taken to the Acropolis the following day. The next day, Demosthenes departed<br />
for Olympia on a political embassy; upon his return, Harpalus escaped from prison, and<br />
the Athenians discovered much to their dismay that only 350 talents remained in the<br />
Acropolis. 62<br />
It was assumed that Harpalus had used the missing 350 talents to bribe his way to<br />
freedom; most of the city’s leaders were consequently under suspicion. This was a truly<br />
grave offense, for the Athenians could not have imagined that Alexander would be happy<br />
that they had let escape a former official who had stolen a tremendous sum from the<br />
King. The city panicked amid a growing number of accusations of treason and plots<br />
against the people (Ath. 8.341f-342). Most of the suspicion focused on Demosthenes,<br />
62 The Harpalus Affair cannot properly be understood without reference to the larger political context of<br />
Alexander’s return from India, at which time the king decreed that all Greek poleis accept the return of<br />
their exiles and mercenaries—displaced groups whose presence posed a direct threat to Alexander (cf. Hyp.<br />
5.18-19). Though the Exiles Decree loomed large in the background of the Harpalus Affair—in particular<br />
Athens, wishing to retain Samos rather than have the island’s exiled population return, sought to appease<br />
Alexander perhaps by getting rid of his antagonist Demosthenes—this political background does not play<br />
any discernible role in how the prosecution condemned Demosthenes. In other words, it is in itself<br />
significant that the specific, compelling arguments used to convict Demosthenes refer only to this second<br />
narrative of dōrodokia qua treason and not at all to Demosthenes’ adversarial relations with Alexander.<br />
Moreover, it is not at all clear that Demosthenes’ role in the Harpalus Affair would have placed Athens in<br />
any more precarious role vis. Alexander: as Dinarchus reports, Alexander never even asked that Harpalus’<br />
money be returned (Din. 1.68). On the historical and political context, see further Badian (1961), Sealey<br />
(1993: 212-15), Whitehead (2000: 355-64), Worthington (2000b: 41-77).<br />
195