10.04.2013 Views

BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua

BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua

BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Three<br />

corporate groups, not individuals, responsible for the sums, the city thus diminished the<br />

impact that shirkers would have on the final total collected. Similarly, Agyrrhius’ grain<br />

tax law of 374/3 was designed to guarantee that a certain financial outcome—there, a<br />

specific amount of grain—would accrue to the city. 68<br />

These reforms were critical to Athens’ financial recovery particularly because the<br />

city no longer had revenue coming in from the allied tribute; even when the Second<br />

Athenian League was established in 378/7, allied contributions did not go towards the<br />

democracy’s administrative expenses. 69 Instead of a tribute, however, Athens did depend<br />

on considerable subsidies from Persia: not only monies for specific public projects, like<br />

the building of the Long Walls, but also payments to support the efforts of Athenian<br />

generals and soldiers. 70 Although funding problems continued for Athenian generals, the<br />

financial boon was appreciated and relied on all the same. 71 In this respect, it is telling<br />

that, whereas in the fifth century the receipt of Persian gold carried with it the stigma of<br />

treasonous plotting, in the fourth century Conon was actually honored for his ability to<br />

leverage the King’s funds. 72<br />

68 Ober (2008: 260-3) illustrates this point well; see also Stroud (1998), Osborne (2000).<br />

69 Davies (1978: 224), Cargill (1981: 124-7), de Ste Croix (1981: 293), Dreher (1995: 79-80). So IG ii²<br />

123.11-12 expressly indicates that allied syntaxeis were to be controlled by the synedrion of the League,<br />

not by the Athenian dēmos.<br />

70 Long Walls and Persian gold: Xen. Hell. 4.8.8-10, Diod.14.84.5-85.4. Persian subsidies of the Athenian<br />

fleet began soon after 401, when Cyrus broke from his brother, thereby breaking the previously strong link<br />

between Persia and Sparta. In 397 Pharnabazos gave 500 talents of silver for equipment and soldier pay<br />

(Diod. 14.39.1), although ultimately the fleet ended up being very poorly paid (Hell.Oxy. 19.2, Isoc. 4.142).<br />

In 395, 220 talents were given to pay for the fleet, but Conon eventually had to ask for more money (Diod.<br />

14.81.5-6). For discussion and further context, see Lewis (1979: 232-3). The trend towards mercenary<br />

armies begins at this time, as the armies of Conon and Iphicrates, and later Chabrias, Chares and Timotheus<br />

were hired out by foreign poleis: Pritchett (1974: 56-116), although see now Trundle (2004) on the<br />

problematic appellation of ‘mercenary’.<br />

71 In the 370’s Timotheus had numerous problems on his expedition to Corcyra: [Dem.] 49.9, 49.13, Lys.<br />

fr. 228; cf. Diod. 15.47.2-3. Likewise, Iphicrates: Xen. Hell. 6.211-14. Pseudo-Demosthenes points out<br />

that, because regular pay was almost impossible, desertion was a problem, and generals had to continually<br />

conscript soldiers: [Dem.] 50.6, 11, 23.<br />

72 Hence not all gifts of ‘Persian gold’ were ill-received, as Lewis (1989) and Mitchell (1997: 111-33)<br />

rightly explore. Treason and Persian gold recur throughout Herodotus’ Histories: Hdt. 1.69.1, 1.105.1,<br />

158

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!