BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua
BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua
Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Three So the precarious relationship elites maintained with the people in the wake of the Thirty continued to be framed in terms of their financial relationship to the community; financial transactions were viewed as a metaphor for how citizens, particularly politicians, negotiated their civic relationship to the community. Indeed, Aristophanes’ Wealth, put on in the same year as the trials of Ergocles and Philocrates (389/8 BCE), echoes many of the same sentiments from Lysias 28 and 29. 43 Yet of particular importance for our investigation is how the poet in fact expands our frame for understanding citizens’ financial obligations to the community. Through Wealth we come to see that Athenians were concerned not just with financial obligations, but especially with the ‘financialization’ of civic obligations. Outlining this discursive process will enable us to examine more closely how, after the Thirty, new patterns of social relationships in politics affected Athenian discourse on dōrodokia. Wealth depicts a world in which all the ‘good’ people (chrēstoi) are poor, while only the ‘wicked’ (ponēroi) prosper (e.g. Ar. Pl. 28-31, 502-4); in such a dystopia, many men in the city starve or are cold simply because they refuse to be criminal (Ar. Pl. 28-9, 363). 44 Because the god Wealth is blind and unable to tell chrēstos from ponēros, the wealthy are disproportionately comprised of ponēroi who are willing to ‘take’ from 43 Several scholiasts refer to a ‘first’ and ‘second’ Wealth produced by Aristophanes, and the scholiast at Pl. 173 says that the first Wealth was produced in 409/8. What that play was about and what its relation was to the second Wealth (389/8) have been hotly debated: cf. Hertel (1969: 28-32), who claims there was only one production (in 389/8), MacDowell (1995), Sommerstein (2001: 28-33). Even if the original had included a substantial portion of our current play—so MacDowell (1995), but see Sommerstein (2001: 30- 3)—this would not significantly affect my argument about the late-fifth and early-fourth century shift towards a monetized vision of the world. 44 Chremylus’ colorful description of a life of poverty—replete with hunger, pests, and rags (Ar. Pl. 533- 47)—is echoed throughout the play, on which see especially Dillon (1987: 162-3). Cf. Ar. Pl. 219, 263, 504, 535-47, 627-30, 843-7. 147
Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Three others and grow rich. 45 The entire premise of the comedy, repeated by almost every character, is that the good are poor, while the bad are rich. 46 Just as Plato would later suggest in the Republic, the mere possession of wealth was itself thought to turn somebody into a greedy ponēros, and politicians here were ponēroi par excellence (Ar. Pl. 30-1, 379, 567-70). 47 Hence, the orators’ conceit of profiting ‘at the city’s expense’ transforms into a ‘rags to riches’ trope: anybody who recently acquired wealth must be bad. Yet this truism has two distinct meanings in the play: people can profit only through being bad, and simply possessing wealth makes one greedy and bad. 48 Ultimately, both valences are at stake in the comedy’s version of the ‘rags to riches’ trope. Politicians might ‘take’ in order to acquire wealth; and, once they have it, out of sheer greed they might not ‘give’ it up. The profiteering of politicians in Wealth is certainly reminiscent of Ergocles’ negative reciprocity with the community, but the play also picks up on how Philocrates defected on his financial obligations to the community. 45 They are, as a result, frequently called thieves and contrasted with chrēstoi who ‘give’ to others and to the community: e.g. Ar. Pl. 203-6, 510-16, 665-6, 672-84, 869-71, 903-23. Cf. Olson (1990: 240-1). On the terms chrēstos and ponēros in late-fifth- and early-fourth-century public discourse, Rosenbloom (2002, 2004) is foundational. 46 Ar. Pl. 28-31, 36-8, 49-50, 502-4, 751-6. This formulation shares much with the Ecclesiazousae’s focus on the inherent selfishness of contemporary Athenians: e.g. Ec. 186-8, 301-10, 376-93, and the entire scene with the selfish man (Ec. 746-876). Cf. Sommerstein (1984: 330-1). 47 See especially Ar. Pl. 107-11, 363-9, 569-70, 1003. Indeed, in a central agōn that has played a critical role in recent interpretations of the play, Chremylus and Poverty argue over whether Wealth or Poverty improves one’s character (Ar. Pl. 558-600). McGlew (1997: 35 with bibliography) rightly points out how, ever since at least Flashar (1967), the majority of critics have viewed Poverty as a decidedly new and different viewpoint entering into the comedy. For those who think that her argument is stronger than Chremylus’, the entire second half of the play seems ironically conceived, at best, or unsettlingly proestablishment, at worst: e.g. Flashar (1967), Konstan and Dillon (1981), Olson (1993). Somewhat differently, Heberlein (1981) opposes an ironist approach to the play yet, like Poverty, is suspicious of the changes that occur at play’s end. On the other hand, McGlew (1997: esp. 39-42) is joined by Sommerstein (1984) in positing that Poverty represents the weaker of the two sides. I do not come down on any particular side of this debate; for our purposes, it is crucial that both sides in fact agree that money (or a lack thereof) determines one’s character. 48 Olson (1990: 228-30), Lévy (1997: 205-6). 148
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Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Three<br />
others and grow rich. 45 The entire premise of the comedy, repeated by almost every<br />
character, is that the good are poor, while the bad are rich. 46 Just as Plato would later<br />
suggest in the Republic, the mere possession of wealth was itself thought to turn<br />
somebody into a greedy ponēros, and politicians here were ponēroi par excellence (Ar.<br />
Pl. 30-1, 379, 567-70). 47<br />
Hence, the orators’ conceit of profiting ‘at the city’s expense’ transforms into a<br />
‘rags to riches’ trope: anybody who recently acquired wealth must be bad. Yet this<br />
truism has two distinct meanings in the play: people can profit only through being bad,<br />
and simply possessing wealth makes one greedy and bad. 48 Ultimately, both valences are<br />
at stake in the comedy’s version of the ‘rags to riches’ trope. Politicians might ‘take’ in<br />
order to acquire wealth; and, once they have it, out of sheer greed they might not ‘give’ it<br />
up. The profiteering of politicians in Wealth is certainly reminiscent of Ergocles’<br />
negative reciprocity with the community, but the play also picks up on how Philocrates<br />
defected on his financial obligations to the community.<br />
45 They are, as a result, frequently called thieves and contrasted with chrēstoi who ‘give’ to others and to<br />
the community: e.g. Ar. Pl. 203-6, 510-16, 665-6, 672-84, 869-71, 903-23. Cf. Olson (1990: 240-1). On<br />
the terms chrēstos and ponēros in late-fifth- and early-fourth-century public discourse, Rosenbloom (2002,<br />
2004) is foundational.<br />
46 Ar. Pl. 28-31, 36-8, 49-50, 502-4, 751-6. This formulation shares much with the Ecclesiazousae’s focus<br />
on the inherent selfishness of contemporary Athenians: e.g. Ec. 186-8, 301-10, 376-93, and the entire<br />
scene with the selfish man (Ec. 746-876). Cf. Sommerstein (1984: 330-1).<br />
47 See especially Ar. Pl. 107-11, 363-9, 569-70, 1003. Indeed, in a central agōn that has played a critical<br />
role in recent interpretations of the play, Chremylus and Poverty argue over whether Wealth or Poverty<br />
improves one’s character (Ar. Pl. 558-600). McGlew (1997: 35 with bibliography) rightly points out how,<br />
ever since at least Flashar (1967), the majority of critics have viewed Poverty as a decidedly new and<br />
different viewpoint entering into the comedy. For those who think that her argument is stronger than<br />
Chremylus’, the entire second half of the play seems ironically conceived, at best, or unsettlingly proestablishment,<br />
at worst: e.g. Flashar (1967), Konstan and Dillon (1981), Olson (1993). Somewhat<br />
differently, Heberlein (1981) opposes an ironist approach to the play yet, like Poverty, is suspicious of the<br />
changes that occur at play’s end. On the other hand, McGlew (1997: esp. 39-42) is joined by Sommerstein<br />
(1984) in positing that Poverty represents the weaker of the two sides. I do not come down on any<br />
particular side of this debate; for our purposes, it is crucial that both sides in fact agree that money (or a<br />
lack thereof) determines one’s character.<br />
48 Olson (1990: 228-30), Lévy (1997: 205-6).<br />
148