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BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua

BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua

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Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Three<br />

gave the oligarch Peison (Lys. 12.8-11). Peison swears an oath that he would rescue<br />

Lysias from death were he to receive one talent of silver, which Lysias duly provides<br />

even though he suspects that Peison was untrustworthy. Not only does Peison break his<br />

oath, but he takes far more than just the promised talent. His dōrodokia thereby<br />

constitutes an act of greed, an unjust transgression in its own right and a symbol for the<br />

unjust power that Lysias’ money would be used to support. So the oligarchs profited from<br />

the city’s misfortunes, and their profiting caused the city added misfortune.<br />

As Balot outlines, the dominant image of greed at this time was of an aristocrat<br />

plundering the dēmos’ possessions—providing bads to the community—and it is in this<br />

light that we find the Thirty’s actions linked closely to a social type or kind of<br />

character. 26 Oligarchs in particular were thought prone to covet and steal the property of<br />

others, although it is unclear whether they were so stereotyped because of the Thirty or<br />

the Thirty were so stereotyped because they were oligarchs. 27 In any case, their shameful<br />

profiting (ai)sxroke/rdeia) was thought to be an inherent part of their character (tro/pou,<br />

Lys. 12.19), and here again we are reminded of Plato’s character sketches of tyrant and<br />

dōrodokos alike.<br />

This emphasis on financial crimes, on ‘taking’ from the city rather than providing<br />

it with a good return, is characteristic of stories about all sorts of ‘bad’ politicians in the<br />

26 Balot (2001: 179-233) illuminates the concept of greed in the late fifth and early fourth centuries, and his<br />

analysis provides a helpful foundation for our investigation of how this newly defined social category was<br />

implicated in broader discursive practices. Hence, as will be clear below, one of the central questions this<br />

chapter attempts to answer is why the Athenians described greed at this time using such highly monetized<br />

language as they did, and why, more importantly, it was greed and not some other motive that was posited<br />

for politicians’ misdeeds during this period.<br />

27 E.g. Lys. 25.17, 34.5; cf. Lys. 25.25-26. Certainly these stereotypes existed before the Thirty and were<br />

used to describe the oligarchs of 411/0, on which see Balot (2001: 212-19); but I am inclined to think that<br />

the generic figure of the oligarch further crystallized after the Thirty in direct response to their actions: see<br />

further below.<br />

136

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