BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua
BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua
Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Three nothing or, at worst, only bads in return for the goods (monetary and otherwise) they had received. We will return to this point later, but for now it is worth mentioning that this focus on ‘taking’ effectively redefined the civic friendship between oligarch and community. Rather than having a relationship predicated on reciprocal exchange, as under the democracy, the rulers of the oligarchy only took, never gave, and often actively harmed. As ‘enemies’ of the city (e.g. e1xqra pro\j th\n po/lin, Lys. 12.2), they were perceived to be already outside the moral community of the polis, that is, outside of any reciprocal exchange relationship with that community. The oligarchs’ problematic relationship to money, therefore, was symptomatic of their problematic relationship to polity, as well. So the metic Lysias brings out the injustice of this ‘exchange’ relationship when he describes his own treatment at the hands of the Thirty. “We were not worthy of this treatment by the polis,” he laments, “but had produced all our dramatic choruses and paid numerous taxes” (Lys. 12.20). By weighing his own payment of liturgies and taxes against the actions of the oligarchs—extortion, property confiscation, theft, and the murder of Lysias’ brother (Lys. 12.8-19)—the orator underscores how he had given, while they only took or, worse, gave him but the death of his brother in return. Civic reciprocity was nowhere to be found. The context of Lysias’ description helps illuminate another, slightly different shade of meaning. The orator infers that the Thirty were rounding up metics at the time in order to pay for their own government (Lys. 12.6; cf. Xen. Hell. 2.3.21). As noted above, the property stolen by the oligarchs was thus symbolic of the power they were unjustly exercising for themselves. Lysias makes this point, too, in describing a bribe he 135
Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Three gave the oligarch Peison (Lys. 12.8-11). Peison swears an oath that he would rescue Lysias from death were he to receive one talent of silver, which Lysias duly provides even though he suspects that Peison was untrustworthy. Not only does Peison break his oath, but he takes far more than just the promised talent. His dōrodokia thereby constitutes an act of greed, an unjust transgression in its own right and a symbol for the unjust power that Lysias’ money would be used to support. So the oligarchs profited from the city’s misfortunes, and their profiting caused the city added misfortune. As Balot outlines, the dominant image of greed at this time was of an aristocrat plundering the dēmos’ possessions—providing bads to the community—and it is in this light that we find the Thirty’s actions linked closely to a social type or kind of character. 26 Oligarchs in particular were thought prone to covet and steal the property of others, although it is unclear whether they were so stereotyped because of the Thirty or the Thirty were so stereotyped because they were oligarchs. 27 In any case, their shameful profiting (ai)sxroke/rdeia) was thought to be an inherent part of their character (tro/pou, Lys. 12.19), and here again we are reminded of Plato’s character sketches of tyrant and dōrodokos alike. This emphasis on financial crimes, on ‘taking’ from the city rather than providing it with a good return, is characteristic of stories about all sorts of ‘bad’ politicians in the 26 Balot (2001: 179-233) illuminates the concept of greed in the late fifth and early fourth centuries, and his analysis provides a helpful foundation for our investigation of how this newly defined social category was implicated in broader discursive practices. Hence, as will be clear below, one of the central questions this chapter attempts to answer is why the Athenians described greed at this time using such highly monetized language as they did, and why, more importantly, it was greed and not some other motive that was posited for politicians’ misdeeds during this period. 27 E.g. Lys. 25.17, 34.5; cf. Lys. 25.25-26. Certainly these stereotypes existed before the Thirty and were used to describe the oligarchs of 411/0, on which see Balot (2001: 212-19); but I am inclined to think that the generic figure of the oligarch further crystallized after the Thirty in direct response to their actions: see further below. 136
- Page 95 and 96: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 97 and 98: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 99 and 100: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 101 and 102: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 103 and 104: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 105 and 106: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 107 and 108: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 109 and 110: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 111 and 112: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 113 and 114: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 115 and 116: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 117 and 118: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 119 and 120: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 121 and 122: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 123 and 124: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 125 and 126: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 127 and 128: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 129 and 130: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 131 and 132: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 133 and 134: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 135 and 136: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 137 and 138: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 139 and 140: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 141 and 142: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 143 and 144: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 145: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 149 and 150: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 151 and 152: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 153 and 154: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 155 and 156: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 157 and 158: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 159 and 160: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 161 and 162: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 163 and 164: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 165 and 166: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 167 and 168: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 169 and 170: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 171 and 172: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 173 and 174: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 175 and 176: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 177 and 178: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 179 and 180: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 181 and 182: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 183 and 184: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 185 and 186: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 187 and 188: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 189 and 190: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 191 and 192: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 193 and 194: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
- Page 195 and 196: Conover Bribery in Classical Athens
Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Three<br />
nothing or, at worst, only bads in return for the goods (monetary and otherwise) they had<br />
received. We will return to this point later, but for now it is worth mentioning that this<br />
focus on ‘taking’ effectively redefined the civic friendship between oligarch and<br />
community. Rather than having a relationship predicated on reciprocal exchange, as<br />
under the democracy, the rulers of the oligarchy only took, never gave, and often actively<br />
harmed. As ‘enemies’ of the city (e.g. e1xqra pro\j th\n po/lin, Lys. 12.2), they were<br />
perceived to be already outside the moral community of the polis, that is, outside of any<br />
reciprocal exchange relationship with that community. The oligarchs’ problematic<br />
relationship to money, therefore, was symptomatic of their problematic relationship to<br />
polity, as well.<br />
So the metic Lysias brings out the injustice of this ‘exchange’ relationship when<br />
he describes his own treatment at the hands of the Thirty. “We were not worthy of this<br />
treatment by the polis,” he laments, “but had produced all our dramatic choruses and paid<br />
numerous taxes” (Lys. 12.20). By weighing his own payment of liturgies and taxes<br />
against the actions of the oligarchs—extortion, property confiscation, theft, and the<br />
murder of Lysias’ brother (Lys. 12.8-19)—the orator underscores how he had given,<br />
while they only took or, worse, gave him but the death of his brother in return. Civic<br />
reciprocity was nowhere to be found.<br />
The context of Lysias’ description helps illuminate another, slightly different<br />
shade of meaning. The orator infers that the Thirty were rounding up metics at the time<br />
in order to pay for their own government (Lys. 12.6; cf. Xen. Hell. 2.3.21). As noted<br />
above, the property stolen by the oligarchs was thus symbolic of the power they were<br />
unjustly exercising for themselves. Lysias makes this point, too, in describing a bribe he<br />
135