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BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua

BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua

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Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Three<br />

of a few select magistrates, nobody could be punished thereafter for any crime committed<br />

during the Thirty’s reign and the ensuing civil war. 15<br />

The ‘amnesia’ sworn by the Athenians was a means of communally forgetting the<br />

horrors committed during the Thirty’s reign; and in other respects, too, the Athenians<br />

tried to forget or undo the period of oligarchy under the Thirty. 16 But, as Plato’s Republic<br />

obliquely evinces, the oligarchs’ legacy lived on. Decades later speakers in court still<br />

brought up their opponents’ involvement in the events of 404/3 as important evidence<br />

that they thought should have continuing relevance. 17 Members of the cavalry, which<br />

had actively cooperated with the Thirty, were resented. 18 Likewise, the good or bad of<br />

someone’s actions was often measured against the Thirty’s example. So, in a prosecution<br />

speech at a dōrodokia trial, one speaker frames his opponent’s bribery in terms of the<br />

Thirty’s heinous actions. 19 We might say that in the decades after the Peloponnesian<br />

War, political behavior was reconfigured in the shadow of the Thirty, as the oligarchs<br />

became an anti-type against which public officials were measured. 20<br />

15 The amnesty applied to all Athenians except the Thirty, their successors the Ten, the Ten supervisors of<br />

the Piraeus, and the Eleven; any of these latter would have been covered by the amnesty had they submitted<br />

their official accounts, but few likely did so (AP 39.6). Carawan (2002) says that the amnesty only applied<br />

to those who were atimoi at the time, but see the cogent reply by Joyce (2008) who reinstates the orthodox<br />

view that the amnesty was about general political forgiveness. See further Loraux (1997), Wolpert (2001),<br />

Ober (2005: 171-82).<br />

16 Demosthenes records that all court decisions from the Thirty’s reign were deemed invalid (Dem. 24.56),<br />

and in 402/1 the properties confiscated by the Thirty were sold by the poletai if not to their original owners<br />

(many of whom had been excecuted), then often to their owners’ neighbors: SEG 16.120-1, 32.161;<br />

38.149, 41.100=Athenian Agora XIX part 2; see also Walbank (1982) for text and discussion. Xen. Hell.<br />

2.4.38 also notes the return of possessions to their owners after the peace.<br />

17 See, for example, the accusations found passim in Lysias 16, 25, fr. 9 (Eryximachus); Lys. 31.12-14<br />

condemns the Athenian Philon simply for not actively opposing the Thirty.<br />

18 Cf. Lys. 16.8, 26.10. On the cavalry’s involvement in the Thirty’s reign, see Bugh (1988: 120-53),<br />

Krentz (1982: 116-17), and Németh (2006: 86-90).<br />

19 Lys. 28.14, discussed in greater detail below; cf. Lys. 25.30.<br />

20 Similarly, in 411/0 less than a decade earlier, the oligarchy of the Four Hundred had set a precedent for a<br />

number of the Thirty’s measures, including vitiating the power of the jury courts (Thuc. 8.67, AP 29.4) as<br />

well as exiling, imprisoning and executing citizens (Thuc. 8.70.2; cf. Andoc. 2.13). Again, though, the<br />

Thirty in particular became a powerful anti-type in democratic politics in the early fourth century, and it<br />

was the latter oligarchy, not the former, that was continually evoked in public discourse. For this reason I<br />

132

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