BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua

BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua

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Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Two to have corrupted the relationship. When the newly minted dōrodokos citizen substitutes silver for timē, then, he privileges an altogether different economy of value—one symbolized by silver, not timē—and hence a different way of valuing relations in the polis. This image of the dōrodokos recalls Cimon’s warnings about short-circuiting the polis’ economy of empire, and the same picture emerges again about two-thirds of the way into the tragedy, when Creon accuses the prophet Tiresias of being bribed to side with Antigone. 62 Again we find the substitution of bribe monies for an economy of public honor: Tiresias’ own divine wisdom made him a benefactor and leader within the city, yet his association with bribery quickly turns this economy of honor into one of base profit. 63 As a result, whereas Tiresias’ good counsel, that “most powerful of possessions” (kra/tiston kthma/twn, Soph. An. 1050), previously reified the king’s own power, the seer’s purported bribe-taking inverts the power dynamic of their relationship. Rather than have control over the possessions symbolic of his archē, the king himself becomes a possession bought and sold by his enemies (cf. Soph. An. 1036). In this way, the monies used to negotiate relations among philoi and kakoi are themselves metaphors for those relations—witness the misthos for Polynices’ burial and Tiresias’ commercial cargo—yet each moves past symbolizing mere archē. Indeed, in both cases, the monies signal domination and physical control, as well. 64 Creon’s second 62 See especially Soph. An. 1035-43, 1055, 1061, 1063; cf. 1077. 63 The prophet’s wisdom is said to have made him a hēgemōn within the city (Soph. An. 993-4, 1058), one who provided a great “benefit” to the community (o)nh/sima, Soph. An. 995). Once Creon thinks that Tiresias has taken bribes, however, he employs commercial imagery to characterize his relationship with the seer. He claims to have been “bought and sold for a long time” by prophets like Tiresias (e)chmpo/lhmai ka)mpefo/rtismai pa/lai, Soph. An. 1036). Cf. the king’s use of kerdos (“gain”): Soph. An. 1047, 1061 and the similar accusation at Soph. OT 124-6. 64 Hence, Creon grounds his debate with Tiresias in terms of which laws, those of the gods or of the polis, can compel obedience. When he finally does obey (cf. pei/somai, Soph. An. 1099), he submits himself to 107

Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Two major problem with the dōrodokos’ substitution of misthos for euergetism, then, is that the dōrodokos works only for his paymaster and no longer provides good work— obedience—to the city. The king is explicit on this point, describing the bribe-givers as those “unwilling to keep their necks beneath the yoke, as justice demands” (ou)d’ u(po\ zugw| = lo/fon dikai\wj ei]xon, Soph. An. 291-2). Even if we temper Creon’s vision of the proper relationship between rulers and citizens, the king’s model of politics as a reciprocal give-and-take—receiving honor in return for the good works of obedience— accords well with the idea of civic obligations at Athens developed in the previous chapter. 65 Those who accept bribes in contravention of the king’s laws cease to submit themselves to the yoke of the king’s authority. In effect, they fail to provide the obedience and goodwill required of all citizens. This is a significant accusation. Throughout the Antigone, Creon focuses on the reverence owed to his political authority and, consequently, the control he should have over others. In his opening speech, he turns to the chorus, those stalwart citizens, and notes their continued reverence, or sebas, for the seat of his political power (tou=to me\n ta\ Lai+/ou/se/bontaj se/bontaj ei)dw\j eu] qro/nwn a)ei\ kra/th, Soph. An. 166). The moment that the attempted burial of Polynices is reported, however, Creon expresses alarm at the ill- reverence, or dusse/beia, now in the polis as a result of the kakon nomisma that is money the authority not of his own nomoi but to the established laws of the gods (cf. tou\j kaqestw=taj no/mouj, Soph. An. 1113). As a result, Tiresias’ claim that he will ‘teach’ the king and that the king will ‘obey’ (e)gw\ dida/cw, kai\ su\ tw| = ma/ntei piqou=, Soph. An. 992) should be read as all the more politically charged: cf. Seaford (1998: 133-4). 65 See Chapter One above. 108

Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Two<br />

to have corrupted the relationship. When the newly minted dōrodokos citizen substitutes<br />

silver for timē, then, he privileges an altogether different economy of value—one<br />

symbolized by silver, not timē—and hence a different way of valuing relations in the<br />

polis.<br />

This image of the dōrodokos recalls Cimon’s warnings about short-circuiting the<br />

polis’ economy of empire, and the same picture emerges again about two-thirds of the<br />

way into the tragedy, when Creon accuses the prophet Tiresias of being bribed to side<br />

with Antigone. 62 Again we find the substitution of bribe monies for an economy of<br />

public honor: Tiresias’ own divine wisdom made him a benefactor and leader within the<br />

city, yet his association with bribery quickly turns this economy of honor into one of base<br />

profit. 63 As a result, whereas Tiresias’ good counsel, that “most powerful of possessions”<br />

(kra/tiston kthma/twn, Soph. An. 1050), previously reified the king’s own power, the<br />

seer’s purported bribe-taking inverts the power dynamic of their relationship. Rather<br />

than have control over the possessions symbolic of his archē, the king himself becomes a<br />

possession bought and sold by his enemies (cf. Soph. An. 1036).<br />

In this way, the monies used to negotiate relations among philoi and kakoi are<br />

themselves metaphors for those relations—witness the misthos for Polynices’ burial and<br />

Tiresias’ commercial cargo—yet each moves past symbolizing mere archē. Indeed, in<br />

both cases, the monies signal domination and physical control, as well. 64 Creon’s second<br />

62 See especially Soph. An. 1035-43, 1055, 1061, 1063; cf. 1077.<br />

63 The prophet’s wisdom is said to have made him a hēgemōn within the city (Soph. An. 993-4, 1058), one<br />

who provided a great “benefit” to the community (o)nh/sima, Soph. An. 995). Once Creon thinks that<br />

Tiresias has taken bribes, however, he employs commercial imagery to characterize his relationship with<br />

the seer. He claims to have been “bought and sold for a long time” by prophets like Tiresias (e)chmpo/lhmai<br />

ka)mpefo/rtismai pa/lai, Soph. An. 1036). Cf. the king’s use of kerdos (“gain”): Soph. An. 1047, 1061<br />

and the similar accusation at Soph. OT 124-6.<br />

64 Hence, Creon grounds his debate with Tiresias in terms of which laws, those of the gods or of the polis,<br />

can compel obedience. When he finally does obey (cf. pei/somai, Soph. An. 1099), he submits himself to<br />

107

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