BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua
BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua BRIBERY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Kellam ... - Historia Antigua
Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Two If I am right about the social meaning of the monies used to negotiate foreign politics at this time, then we are halfway towards understanding Cimon’s presentation of the dōrodokos at his trial. Recall that Cimon contrasts himself with the dōrodokos according to the path that the dōra took: while his own wealth is directed towards enriching the city, the dōrodokos’ is not. Yet because for both Cimon and the dōrodokos the source of that wealth derives from Athens’ foreign relations, we should expect that the proper use of that wealth would reify its social meaning as a money signaling Athens’ power. This is precisely what Cimon’s enriching of the city ‘from her enemies’ (a)po\ tw=n polemi/wn) signifies, as it assigns to Athens possession over and ultimately benefit from those monies. By contrast, rather than channeling his monies into services that benefit the city, the dōrodokos keeps them for himself and thereby manifestly assigns them a different meaning. For the dōrodokos, the monies used to negotiate politic relationships end up asserting the authority of himself—or, worse, his foreign friends—to distribute the rewards of empire. What I would like to suggest, in short, is that by differentiating the path of the dōra, Cimon also differentiates their meaning. The stratēgos points to one critical way the Athenians signaled their control over the rewards of empire: public works at Athens, or ‘enriching the polis’, as Cimon calls it. Indeed, we find a series of public buildings with clear links to Athens’ hegemony and the wealth it brought in: the Temple of Artemis Aristoboule, the Stoa Poikile, the Piraeus and Long Walls, and the Theseion all date to the first few decades of the League. In the same vein, we might add the later 91
Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Two Periclean building programme on the Acropolis. 25 Contemporary sources consistently link these public works to Athens’ military success; again, Athens’ control over the monies of empire was reified by financial outlays on public works that signaled her powerful position. 26 Even if the actual monies used to construct these buildings came from separate financial accounts—more on this in a moment—the Athenians nevertheless posited an economy in which the monies of empire, i.e. monies symbolizing empire, were converted into public buildings redolent of Athenian archē. 27 As Cimon’s reference to the proxenoi of Thessaly and Ionia suggests, the dōrodokos short-circuited this economy. By pocketing the monies of empire, the dōrodokos removed them from circulation and hence prevented Athens from asserting control over their distribution. In this way, the dōrodokos posed a significant threat not just to Athens’ acquisition of imperial monies, but especially to the processes by which those monies were re-invested with meaning as tokens of Athenian power. 28 25 On the Periclean building programme, see Plut. Per. 12-13, IG i 3 436-51 (Parthenon), 453-60 (gold and ivory statue of Athena), 462-6 (Propylaea), completed in 434/3 BCE according to the decree of Callias (IG i 3 52=ML 58). Stadter (1989: 157-63 ad Per. 12.6), Kallet (1998: 49-52). 26 See generally Plut. Cim. 13.6-7. Temple of Artemis Aristoboule: Plut. Them. 22.1-2. Piraeus: explicitly connected with Athens’ naval empire at Plut. Them. 19.2. Plutarch also records how part of the wall of the Acropolis was constructed from war booty (Cim. 13.6), and the Marathon Base and statues of Athena, Apollo, and Miltiades set up at Delphi were paid for from a tithe of spoils from Marathon (Paus. 10.10.1). 27 On this point, see generally Kallet (1998). 28 Plutarch records an anecdote about Cimon that affirms the lines of this argument (Plut. Cim. 10.9). A Persian defector named Rhoisakes came to Cimon’s home, seeking exile. He placed two bowls of gold and silver at Cimon’s door, to which Cimon asked whether Rhoisakes wanted Cimon as a friend or as a hireling (misqwto\n h2 fi/lon). When Rhoisakes said a friend, Cimon gave him back the money, telling him that, as his friend, he would be able to use it whenever he needed it. Apart from Plutarch’s dubious framing of the story—in contrast to the named sources he provides elsewhere in the same paragraph, the biographer writes simply that ‘it is said’ (le/getai)—Rhoisakes is otherwise unattested, and we know of only one other Persian defector from this time period: cf. Hdt. 3.160.2; Ctes. Pers. 43. It is, then, at least possible that the story is apocryphal. Reading the tale along those lines, it is striking how Cimon’s dealings with a Persian defector (i.e. a Greek polis that had been under Persian control during the Persian Wars) are framed as a choice between being a philos and being a bribe-taker, as misthōtos regularly connotes: see Chapter One above. These are precisely the two possibilities Cimon presents in his trial when he contrasts his own civic services with those who took bribes from Thessalians and Ionians (both Persian defectors, incidentally). In the story of Rhoisakes, Cimon’s choice is split not between taking the money or rejecting it—in both cases he makes 92
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Conover Bribery in Classical Athens Chapter Two<br />
If I am right about the social meaning of the monies used to negotiate foreign<br />
politics at this time, then we are halfway towards understanding Cimon’s presentation of<br />
the dōrodokos at his trial. Recall that Cimon contrasts himself with the dōrodokos<br />
according to the path that the dōra took: while his own wealth is directed towards<br />
enriching the city, the dōrodokos’ is not. Yet because for both Cimon and the dōrodokos<br />
the source of that wealth derives from Athens’ foreign relations, we should expect that<br />
the proper use of that wealth would reify its social meaning as a money signaling Athens’<br />
power. This is precisely what Cimon’s enriching of the city ‘from her enemies’ (a)po\<br />
tw=n polemi/wn) signifies, as it assigns to Athens possession over and ultimately benefit<br />
from those monies. By contrast, rather than channeling his monies into services that<br />
benefit the city, the dōrodokos keeps them for himself and thereby manifestly assigns<br />
them a different meaning. For the dōrodokos, the monies used to negotiate politic<br />
relationships end up asserting the authority of himself—or, worse, his foreign friends—to<br />
distribute the rewards of empire.<br />
What I would like to suggest, in short, is that by differentiating the path of the<br />
dōra, Cimon also differentiates their meaning. The stratēgos points to one critical way<br />
the Athenians signaled their control over the rewards of empire: public works at Athens,<br />
or ‘enriching the polis’, as Cimon calls it. Indeed, we find a series of public buildings<br />
with clear links to Athens’ hegemony and the wealth it brought in: the Temple of<br />
Artemis Aristoboule, the Stoa Poikile, the Piraeus and Long Walls, and the Theseion all<br />
date to the first few decades of the League. In the same vein, we might add the later<br />
91