Lisø PhD Dissertation Manuscript - NTNU
Lisø PhD Dissertation Manuscript - NTNU
Lisø PhD Dissertation Manuscript - NTNU
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LisÖ et al.<br />
the exposure to contingencies and stress, and difficulty<br />
in coping with them. Vulnerability thus<br />
has two sides: an external side of risks, shocks<br />
and stress to which an individual or household<br />
is subject: and an internal side which is defencelessness,<br />
meaning a lack of means to cope<br />
without damaging loss.<br />
Coping refers to actions to ameliorate negative consequences<br />
(or capitalise on positive consequences) as<br />
climatic changes take place in order to maintain particular<br />
welfare goals, such as health, life and income<br />
(Eriksen et al., 2002). The concept of exposure is also<br />
linked to social aspects through human reliance on<br />
resources affected by environmental events. A broader<br />
understanding of exposure employed by Downing et al.<br />
(1995) incorporates this internal structural side of<br />
exposure. This internal structural side is often known<br />
as sensitivity, the degree to which a system is affected<br />
by or responsive to climate stimuli (McCarthy et al.,<br />
2001). For example, a society that relies heavily on<br />
agriculture may be more sensitive to climatic fluctuations<br />
than a society that depends solely on industry.<br />
In this paper, the social aspect of exposure is referred<br />
to as sensitivity, to be distinguished from exposure,<br />
which deals exclusively with the physical factors<br />
related to the probability of a climatic event, or change,<br />
taking place.<br />
Norway can be considered a highly exposed country<br />
due to its extreme weather conditions (O’Brien et al.,<br />
2002). The country’s long coastline and steep topography<br />
make it particularly prone to extreme events like<br />
coastal storms, avalanches and landslides. In addition,<br />
Norway may be exposed to changes in autumn rainfall,<br />
and to an increase in the frequency and intensity<br />
of storms due to global warming. While the full range<br />
of impacts resulting from these changes remains uncertain,<br />
it is becoming clear that adaptation to climate<br />
change is necessary and inevitable. Adaptation to the<br />
prevailing climatic conditions has always been crucial<br />
for the viability of Norwegian society, but future<br />
climate changes may expose Norway to new challenges.<br />
Indeed, within the climate impacts literature,<br />
there is growing emphasis on adaptation and the need<br />
to enhance adaptive capacity, both in developed and<br />
developing countries (Kelly and Adger, 2000; Dolan<br />
et al., 2001). Norway’s sensitivity is potentially high<br />
due to the reliance of many of its economic sectors<br />
on climate dependent natural resources (O’Brien et al.,<br />
2002).<br />
What is adaptation?<br />
Adaptation can be described as adjustments in practices,<br />
processes or structures to take into account changing<br />
climate conditions, to moderate potential<br />
damages, or to benefit from opportunities associated<br />
with climate change (McCarthy et al., 2001). It is thus<br />
justified as a way of reducing the negative impacts of<br />
204<br />
climate change and of taking advantage of the opportunities<br />
created by it. While the physical exposure<br />
component of vulnerability can be targeted through<br />
emissions reductions, it is, as argued above, likely to<br />
persist if not increase with climate change. In order<br />
effectively to reduce vulnerability, society’s sensitivity<br />
and coping capacity must be targeted.<br />
Coping can be distinguished from adaptation in that it<br />
refers to the immediate actions in the face of an event<br />
or changes and the ability to maintain welfare, whereas<br />
adaptation refers to long-term adjustments to the<br />
framework within which coping takes place (Adger,<br />
1996; Eriksen et al., 2002). Adaptation can be proactive<br />
and planned, involving conscious measures to meet<br />
anticipated changes, or it can consist of unplanned<br />
adjustments in response to changes that are not consciously<br />
designed to ameliorate the effects of climate<br />
change, but nevertheless affect sensitivity or coping<br />
capacity (Smit et al., 2000; Eriksen et al., 2002).<br />
The built environment literally ‘houses’ economic<br />
activities, individuals and families, as well as society’s<br />
cultural heritage. It is intended to protect life, health<br />
and psychological and social welfare of its inhabitants,<br />
host economic activities and undisturbed production<br />
and sustain aesthetic and cultural values. All these are<br />
central goals of coping capacity in the context of the<br />
built environment and in the face of climate change.<br />
The existence of an insurance system, described in<br />
more detail below, exemplifies a source of coping for<br />
people when a building is damaged by a meteorologically<br />
triggered event.<br />
Potential impacts of climate change on building<br />
performance<br />
Adaptation measures can involve household-level<br />
initiatives, construction industry initiatives and the various<br />
levels of public administration. The impact of climate<br />
change on the built environment will depend on<br />
the design, construction, use and location of buildings<br />
and building clusters. The most important government<br />
regulatory measures to ensure adherence to building<br />
codes and standards are the Technical Regulations<br />
under the Planning and Building Act. These regulations<br />
often refer to the Building Research Design Sheets in<br />
NBI’s Building Research Series, with regards to<br />
solutions-in-principle for building structures. The location<br />
of buildings is regulated by various land-use planning<br />
tools available to governments. These will serve as<br />
valuable adaptation tools for governments as they plan<br />
for climate change. Considerable blame for the massive<br />
damages to buildings in central Europe after the floods<br />
of the summer of 2002 has been placed upon land use<br />
patterns. In an article in New Scientist (2002), it was<br />
argued that shortsighted land management has allowed<br />
global warming to wreak havoc, stating: