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GEORGIA LAW REVIEW - StephanKinsella.com

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1342 <strong>GEORGIA</strong> <strong>LAW</strong> REWEW [Vol. 13:1245<br />

ership, while control is in public hands.)z4 But if charging high<br />

prices for one's goods or services violates no rights, neither does<br />

charging low prices, or indeed gift-giving. To be sure, <strong>com</strong>petitors<br />

may have an interest in a corporation's charging only "fair" prices,<br />

just as customers have an interest in "fairness" in the opposite<br />

direction; but neither <strong>com</strong>petitors nor customers have any rights in<br />

this matter, for neither owns the object offered and hence has any<br />

ground for setting the conditions of offer.<br />

These last-mentioned conclusions bring us straightaway, of<br />

course, to the antitrust law that has variously plagued and benefitted<br />

the corporation for nearly a century now. I will not go into the<br />

minutiae-infinite in principle-of this area of our law because,<br />

quite simply, the theory behind antitrust enjoys absolutely no foundation<br />

in the theory of rights.225 Quite apart, that is, from whether<br />

modern antitrust law has had the effect of protecting <strong>com</strong>petitors<br />

rather than consumers, as has recently been argued,226 the basic<br />

normative question is whether this body of law is justified at all. It<br />

will be justified only if there are rights that the proscribed acts<br />

violate. We have just seen that pricing decisions violate no rights.<br />

Neither then does "predatory pricing," or the market concentration<br />

that may (but only may) result, or the possible decline of <strong>com</strong>petitors.<br />

For once again, if an act is not actionable per se, if it takes<br />

nothing to which others have a right, then it is not actionable even<br />

when done from a bad motive. Consumers have no more right to<br />

"fair prices" than <strong>com</strong>petitors to "equal opportunity," as brought<br />

out in Part 111. Likewise, price fixing violates no rights; nor do<br />

---- -<br />

224 Wage and price controls do not, of course, amount to <strong>com</strong>plete external control of market<br />

behavior-or the uses that can be made of private property-as might be expected under a<br />

thoroughgoing fascistic regime. They do not, for example, reach out to the supply side of<br />

behavior. Accordingly, suppliers invariably respond to such controls by reducing their efforts<br />

(or directing them elsewhere), which gives rise, of course, to shortages. To have any hope of<br />

avoiding these shortages, then, wage and price controls have to be ac<strong>com</strong>panied (at least) by<br />

forced supply-which moves the regime closer to thoroughgoing fascism, to the slavery that<br />

forced supply just is. (Alternatively, confiscation would enable the regime to move past<br />

fascism to socialism, thus eliminating the nominally private property altogether, though not<br />

the forced supply or slavery.) See R. SCHUETTINGER & E. BUTLER, FORTY CENTURIES OF WAGE-<br />

PRICE CONTROLS: HOW NOT TO FIGHT INFLATION (1979).<br />

2W For an excellent treatment see D. ARMENTANO, THE MYTHS OF ANTITRUST (1972). See also<br />

R. BORK, THE ANTITRUST PARADOX: A POLICY AT WAR WITH ITSELF (1978), which unfortunately<br />

is vitiated by Bork's (implicitly positivist) assumption-no doubt historically correct, for all<br />

its theoretical difficulties-that the "purpose" of our antitrust law is to increase consumer<br />

welfare. That rationale, of course, could "justify" the violation of an endless number of rights.<br />

See II.B.l supra.<br />

226 See R. BORK, supra note 225.

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