Dissertation_A Bick_May 25 - DataSpace at Princeton University
Dissertation_A Bick_May 25 - DataSpace at Princeton University Dissertation_A Bick_May 25 - DataSpace at Princeton University
chapter examines the way that voting was conducted and reveals the rituals employed by the Heren XIX to ensure loyalty and secrecy. 100 Consistent with recent scholarship on the nobility in Holland, but contrary to commonly held assumptions among historians working in English, this episode highlights the central role of noblemen in managing Dutch overseas expansion and exposes deepening divisions in the 1640s between noblemen and merchants—divisions that would delay the selection of the new Council at a critical moment for the Dutch colony in Brazil. Chapter Five offers a new interpretation of the well-known debates over free trade to Brazil and Angola that erupted during the 1630s and 1640s. These debates have traditionally been explained as the result of divergent interests between Amsterdam, where merchants saw greater profits in free trade, and Zeeland, where both merchants and magistrates saw enforcement of the WIC monopoly as the best means to protect their share in colonial markets, where Amsterdam would otherwise have enjoyed considerable advantages. 101 More recently, Weststeijn has argued that the debate was an important source for Enlightenment ideas on free trade. 102 By reconstructing the course of the negotiations, rather than relying on printed sources, and by connecting the debate over free trade to Brazil to the subsequent debate over free trade to Angola, the chapter shows how disputes over free trade were actually motivated by issues of colonial finance, and in particular, how the Heren XIX and the States General used trade policy to address the mounting challenges of populating and defending Dutch Brazil. Crucially, the chapter demonstrates that the decision to re-open the trade to Brazil in April 1638 was predicated on formally recognizing the WIC’s monopoly on the trade in slaves, a 100 David Baute, Cort Relaas sedert den Jare 1609: de Avonturen van een Zeeuws Koopman in Spanje tijdens de Tachtigjarige Oorlog (Hilversum: Verloren, 2000); S. P. L’Honoré Naber, “Het Dagboek van Hendrik Haecxs, Lid van den Hoogen Raad van Brazilie (1645-1654),” Bijdragen en Mededeelingen van het Historisch Genootschap (1925): 126-163. 101 Van Dillen, “De West-Indische Compagnie, het Calvinism en de Politiek.” 102 Arthur Weststeijn, “Dutch Brazil and the Making of Free Trade Ideology,” 2011. Cited with permission of the author. 33
trade in which the company had only very recently become involved. 103 The Heren XIX and the States General were ultimately swayed not by pressure from Amsterdam, but by Johan Maurits' argument that opening trade to Brazil was the only way to attract free settlers, and by a final compromise that addressed Zeeland’s concerns over company finance by injecting additional private capital and ensuring a steady flow of income from the slave trade. In this way Dutch entry into the trade in slaves was not only a response to labor shortages in Brazil: it was a deliberate effort to offset the rising costs of New World conquest. The subsequent debate over free trade to Angola in the early 1640s came increasingly to focus on profits, effectively de- linking the issue of slavery from concerns about Brazil—a shift that took concrete form when the revolt halted the trade in slaves to Pernambuco and the company began to explore other markets in São Tomé and the Caribbean. The chapter thus demonstrates important links between the debates over free trade and slavery. Chapter Six returns to the meeting in Middelburg and to the company's campaign to secure military and financial assistance from the States General in the winter of 1645. It focuses on two separate efforts to convince officials by establishing the company's value to the state. The first of these, an internal memorandum drafted in the summer of 1645 by the Amsterdam director Jacques Specx (1585-1652), drew together the company's diverse streams of income and expenses from all its conquest areas to provide a calculation of the company's anticipated annual profits. 104 The second, De Laet’s Historie ofte Iaerlyck Verhael van de Geoctroyeerde Westindische Compagnie (History or Annual Account of the Chartered West India Company), 103 Ernst van den Boogaart and Pieter C. Emmer, “The Dutch Participation in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1596-1650,” in The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History of the Atlantic Slave Trade, ed. Henry A. Gemery and Jan S. Hogendorn (New York: Academic Press, 1979), 353–375; W. S. Unger, “Essay on the History of the Dutch Slave Trade,” in Dutch Authors on West Indian History: a Historiographical Selection, ed. M. A. P Meilink- Roelofsz (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1982), 42–98; Robin Blackburn, The Making of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Modern, 1492-1800 (London: Verso, 1997). 104 NA 1.10.78, inv.nr. 8, fols. 115-120. 34
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chapter examines the way th<strong>at</strong> voting was conducted and reveals the rituals employed by the<br />
Heren XIX to ensure loyalty and secrecy. 100 Consistent with recent scholarship on the nobility in<br />
Holland, but contrary to commonly held assumptions among historians working in English, this<br />
episode highlights the central role of noblemen in managing Dutch overseas expansion and<br />
exposes deepening divisions in the 1640s between noblemen and merchants—divisions th<strong>at</strong><br />
would delay the selection of the new Council <strong>at</strong> a critical moment for the Dutch colony in Brazil.<br />
Chapter Five offers a new interpret<strong>at</strong>ion of the well-known deb<strong>at</strong>es over free trade to<br />
Brazil and Angola th<strong>at</strong> erupted during the 1630s and 1640s. These deb<strong>at</strong>es have traditionally<br />
been explained as the result of divergent interests between Amsterdam, where merchants saw<br />
gre<strong>at</strong>er profits in free trade, and Zeeland, where both merchants and magistr<strong>at</strong>es saw<br />
enforcement of the WIC monopoly as the best means to protect their share in colonial markets,<br />
where Amsterdam would otherwise have enjoyed considerable advantages. 101 More recently,<br />
Weststeijn has argued th<strong>at</strong> the deb<strong>at</strong>e was an important source for Enlightenment ideas on free<br />
trade. 102 By reconstructing the course of the negoti<strong>at</strong>ions, r<strong>at</strong>her than relying on printed sources,<br />
and by connecting the deb<strong>at</strong>e over free trade to Brazil to the subsequent deb<strong>at</strong>e over free trade to<br />
Angola, the chapter shows how disputes over free trade were actually motiv<strong>at</strong>ed by issues of<br />
colonial finance, and in particular, how the Heren XIX and the St<strong>at</strong>es General used trade policy<br />
to address the mounting challenges of popul<strong>at</strong>ing and defending Dutch Brazil.<br />
Crucially, the chapter demonstr<strong>at</strong>es th<strong>at</strong> the decision to re-open the trade to Brazil in<br />
April 1638 was predic<strong>at</strong>ed on formally recognizing the WIC’s monopoly on the trade in slaves, a<br />
<br />
100 David Baute, Cort Relaas sedert den Jare 1609: de Avonturen van een Zeeuws Koopman in Spanje tijdens de<br />
Tachtigjarige Oorlog (Hilversum: Verloren, 2000); S. P. L’Honoré Naber, “Het Dagboek van Hendrik Haecxs, Lid<br />
van den Hoogen Raad van Brazilie (1645-1654),” Bijdragen en Mededeelingen van het Historisch Genootschap<br />
(19<strong>25</strong>): 126-163.<br />
101 Van Dillen, “De West-Indische Compagnie, het Calvinism en de Politiek.”<br />
102 Arthur Weststeijn, “Dutch Brazil and the Making of Free Trade Ideology,” 2011. Cited with permission of the<br />
author.<br />
33