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Dissertation_A Bick_May 25 - DataSpace at Princeton University

Dissertation_A Bick_May 25 - DataSpace at Princeton University

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character of Dutch political institutions and the sometimes slow, even dysfunctional pace of<br />

political decision-making. With power and authority sc<strong>at</strong>tered among dozens of city councils,<br />

provincial assemblies, synods, admiralties, and the St<strong>at</strong>es General, the st<strong>at</strong>e itself was less a<br />

clearly defined locus of sovereignty or a monopoly on the legitim<strong>at</strong>e use of force than it was, in<br />

effect, a system of meetings. 75 As Anne Goldgar has shown, this system cre<strong>at</strong>ed serious<br />

problems when one needed swift resolution to a particular problem: in the wake of the Tulip<br />

Bubble, which popped in 1637, litigants were referred from one assembly to the next, and<br />

sometimes back again, before they were able to find redress for their petitions. 76 In cases rel<strong>at</strong>ing<br />

to foreign policy or war this could be quite damaging, though, as Guido de Bruin has pointed out,<br />

the deliber<strong>at</strong>ive n<strong>at</strong>ure of decision-making may have offered important advantages as well:<br />

First, the large number of voting provinces [within the St<strong>at</strong>es General] and parts guaranteed a<br />

careful process of decision-making and a consistent line of policy, contrasting favorably with the<br />

politics of the absolute monarchies. Second, the str<strong>at</strong>ified process of decision-making fostered a<br />

large measure of involvement from provincial and local authorities, an unusual interest on the<br />

part of the public and, consequently, a reasonable inclin<strong>at</strong>ion to cooper<strong>at</strong>e, unlike the monarchies.<br />

Third, the broad base of particip<strong>at</strong>ion considerably reduced the influence of political corruption. 77<br />

Thus, De Bruin concludes, “the form of government in the Dutch Republic does not deserve the<br />

neg<strong>at</strong>ive judgment it has received from foreign contemporaries, eighteenth-century reformers,<br />

and n<strong>at</strong>ionalist historians.” 78<br />

De Bruin and Van Vree have both shown the extent to which power was exercised not<br />

only in formal assemblies, but in the smaller ad hoc committees to which many issues were<br />

























































<br />

75<br />

The reference is to Max Weber’s well-known definition of the st<strong>at</strong>e in his essay “Politics as a Voc<strong>at</strong>ion”: “Today,<br />

however, we have to say th<strong>at</strong> a st<strong>at</strong>e is a human community th<strong>at</strong> (successfully) claims the monopoly of the legitim<strong>at</strong>e<br />

use of physical force within a given territory.” On the variety of st<strong>at</strong>e forms in early modern Europe, see Hendrik<br />

Spruyt, The Sovereign St<strong>at</strong>e and its Competitors (<strong>Princeton</strong>: <strong>Princeton</strong> <strong>University</strong> Press, 1994).<br />

76<br />

Anne Goldgar, Tulipmania: Money, Honor, and Knowledge in the Dutch Golden Age (Chicago: <strong>University</strong> of<br />

Chicago Press, 2007).<br />

77<br />

Guido de Bruin, Geheimhouding en Verraad: de Geheimhouding van Sta<strong>at</strong>szaken ten tijde van de Republiek,<br />

1600-1750 (’s-Gravenhage: SDU Uitgeverij, 1991), 616.<br />

78<br />

Ibid.<br />


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