Dissertation_A Bick_May 25 - DataSpace at Princeton University
Dissertation_A Bick_May 25 - DataSpace at Princeton University Dissertation_A Bick_May 25 - DataSpace at Princeton University
For the remainder of 1645, De Laet and his fellow director in the Amsterdam chamber, Jacques Specx, would be deeply involved in the company’s lobbying campaign for money to crush the revolt and save the colony, a campaign that would ultimately spill into and beyond the peace talks at Münster and the Treaty of Westphalia that ended the 80 Years’ War. 9 Although the acuteness of the situation focused minds in The Hague that winter, the outlines of the company’s message were largely unchanged from the preceding year. Although it possessed a potentially lucrative empire in Africa and the New World, the company was out of money and could raise no more additional private capital. The survival of Dutch Brazil, the company itself, would require substantial financial support. The case for this support was built on unstable ground: the company needed to prove its worth, despite its empty coffers, and it needed to convince magistrates, the merchant community, and a public exhausted by war that an organization devoted during most of its history to piracy and conquest could profitably secure and administer its new possessions, to the benefit of the Republic, in a time of peace. Advancing these arguments required more than lofty rhetoric; it required concrete evidence of the company’s value to the state. But how could this be measured? What was the New World really worth—or, more prosaically, what was it worth to the Dutch Republic, and by what metric could the question even be assessed? This chapter looks at two very different efforts to answer these difficult questions, both from the period just before the outbreak of the revolt. It argues that the decision to send relief to Brazil in the spring of 1646 was based on a determination that the colony was valuable was accurate or merely credible, the fact that he presented in the States of Holland and that it was included in the formal minutes suggests that it should be taken seriously. The problem of determining the value of the Republic's investment in Brazil is the topic of this chapter. On the Amsterdam sugar industry, see Arjan Poelwijk, “In Dienste vant Suyckerbacken”: De Amsterdamse Suikernijverheid en haar Ondernemers, 1580-1630 (Hilversum: Verloren, 2003). 9 Kluiver, De Souvereine en Independente Staat Zeeland. 225
to the Dutch state, and that this determination was inspired by the company’s work to convincingly articulate that value. The first effort, an internal memorandum drafted by Specx in the summer of 1645, carried the simple title, “State of the Income and Expenses of the Chartered West India Company.” 10 In ten folio pages of calculations, Specx defined value in the familiar language of pure monetary gain: by estimating the company's sources of income and expenditure in each of its five most important conquests, he arrived at a single, positive sum for the company's projected annual profits. Doing so required him to distill revenues from dozens of trades that had rarely if ever been considered as part of a single economic system, many of which—as the term “conquest” implies—had only quite recently fallen into Dutch hands. The second effort was by De Laet. Published in November 1644, his Iaerlyck Verhael (History of the Chartered West India Company) chronicled the company's first thirteen years and, as a coda, provided detailed calculations demonstrating the total monetary value of the damage the company had inflicted on Iberian America. 11 Using history, rather than accountancy, De Laet offered the company’s accumulated achievements as a proxy for the economic and political value of continued investment in the New World. Although their approaches—and their conclusions—were quite different, Specx and De Laet both assembled and analyzed vast amounts of company statistics. In the absence of all but a few financial records, their work is nearly all that remains for contemporary scholars interested 10 NA 1.10.78, inv.nr. 8, Collectie Sweers, fols 115-120. Staat van het Incomen, ende de Lasten van de Geoctoyeerde Westindsiche Comp. soo als deselve in haer Hant heeft, ’t een en ’t andere, na haer Believen te Stellen, 1645. 11 Johannes de Laet, Historie Ofte Iaerlijck Verhael van de Verrichtinghen der Geoctroyeerde West-Indische Compagnie, zedert haer Begin, tot het Eynde van ’t Jaer Sesthien-hondert ses-en-dertich; Begrepen in Derthien Boecken, ende met verscheyden Koperen Platen Verciert (Leyden: Bonaventura ende Abraham Elsevier, 1644); The modern Dutch edition is De Laet, Iaerlyck Verhael van de Verrichtingen der Geoctroyeerde West-Indische Compagnie; A Portuguese edition was published in Brazil between 1916 and 1925. Johannes de Laet, Historia ou Annaes dos Feitos da Companhia Privilegiada das Indias Occidentaes desde o seu Começo até ao fim do Anno de 1636, trans. José Hygino Duarte Pereira and Pedro Souto Maior (Rio de Janeiro: Officinas Graphicas da Bibliotheca Nacional, 1925). 226
- Page 185 and 186: left relatively open. 6 Where monop
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For the remainder of 1645, De Laet and his fellow director in the Amsterdam chamber,<br />
Jacques Specx, would be deeply involved in the company’s lobbying campaign for money to<br />
crush the revolt and save the colony, a campaign th<strong>at</strong> would ultim<strong>at</strong>ely spill into and beyond the<br />
peace talks <strong>at</strong> Münster and the Tre<strong>at</strong>y of Westphalia th<strong>at</strong> ended the 80 Years’ War. 9 Although the<br />
acuteness of the situ<strong>at</strong>ion focused minds in The Hague th<strong>at</strong> winter, the outlines of the company’s<br />
message were largely unchanged from the preceding year. Although it possessed a potentially<br />
lucr<strong>at</strong>ive empire in Africa and the New World, the company was out of money and could raise<br />
no more additional priv<strong>at</strong>e capital. The survival of Dutch Brazil, the company itself, would<br />
require substantial financial support. The case for this support was built on unstable ground: the<br />
company needed to prove its worth, despite its empty coffers, and it needed to convince<br />
magistr<strong>at</strong>es, the merchant community, and a public exhausted by war th<strong>at</strong> an organiz<strong>at</strong>ion<br />
devoted during most of its history to piracy and conquest could profitably secure and administer<br />
its new possessions, to the benefit of the Republic, in a time of peace. Advancing these<br />
arguments required more than lofty rhetoric; it required concrete evidence of the company’s<br />
value to the st<strong>at</strong>e.<br />
But how could this be measured? Wh<strong>at</strong> was the New World really worth—or, more<br />
prosaically, wh<strong>at</strong> was it worth to the Dutch Republic, and by wh<strong>at</strong> metric could the question even<br />
be assessed? This chapter looks <strong>at</strong> two very different efforts to answer these difficult questions,<br />
both from the period just before the outbreak of the revolt. It argues th<strong>at</strong> the decision to send<br />
relief to Brazil in the spring of 1646 was based on a determin<strong>at</strong>ion th<strong>at</strong> the colony was valuable<br />
<br />
was accur<strong>at</strong>e or merely credible, the fact th<strong>at</strong> he presented in the St<strong>at</strong>es of Holland and th<strong>at</strong> it was included in the<br />
formal minutes suggests th<strong>at</strong> it should be taken seriously. The problem of determining the value of the Republic's<br />
investment in Brazil is the topic of this chapter. On the Amsterdam sugar industry, see Arjan Poelwijk, “In Dienste<br />
vant Suyckerbacken”: De Amsterdamse Suikernijverheid en haar Ondernemers, 1580-1630 (Hilversum: Verloren,<br />
2003).<br />
9 Kluiver, De Souvereine en Independente Sta<strong>at</strong> Zeeland.<br />
2<strong>25</strong>