Dissertation_A Bick_May 25 - DataSpace at Princeton University
Dissertation_A Bick_May 25 - DataSpace at Princeton University Dissertation_A Bick_May 25 - DataSpace at Princeton University
needed to sustain the colony’s economy. 164 But Maurits opposed opening the trade to Angola, on the grounds that only the company could be trusted to ensure a steady supply of slaves. 165 His position may well have been influenced by his strong desire to personally assume control over the administration of Loanda. In a 1641 proposal, he argued that “the trade in blacks, which is the foremost and the only trade of Angola, can be no better regulated than by us in Brazil, to which the slaves are brought [and where they are] sold and consumed.” 166 Maurits suggested many other advantages of this proposal, including the fact that Brazil was closer and company servants were already acclimatized and could speak Portuguese. To do otherwise, he concluded, was “to put two heads on one body.” Despite these arguments, the Heren XIX decided to separate the company's administration in Africa into two parts—northern (based at Elmina) and southern (based in Loanda)—and to control both directly from the United Provinces. 167 In this case the political incentives in the center and the periphery did not align: Maurits wanted to assume control over the slave trade, as a means to enhance and expand his authority in Brazil, while the Heren XIX wanted to ensure Angola's dependence on themselves and the income promised by the slave trade. For Maurits political factors counseled free trade in one case, monopoly in the other. The arguments of the free traders failed and the trade in slaves from Angola remained a company monopoly, only growing in importance over time. Indeed, the slave trade was probably 164 Blackburn, The Making of New World Slavery, 197. 165 V. W. C., Trou-hertighe onderrichtinge, aen alle hooft participanten, en lief-hebbers vande geoctroyeerde West- Indische Compagnie. Nopende het open stellen vanden handel op de cust van Africa, namentlijck, St. Thomé, Guinea, Angola, St. Paulo de Loando, mitsgaders de Marignian, Nieu Nederlant ende West-Indien., C. 166 NA 1.01.04, inv.nr. 5756. Redenen; ende correctie, waeromme de Negotie der Swaerten, De Stadt St. Paulo de Loanda, ende Regieringe van den Coninkrycke van Angola behoort te dependeren van den Gouverneur en Hoge Raeden in Brasil, ofte met de regieringe Aldaer werden gecombineert. Signed by Maurice Conte de Nassau and received by the States General on January 19, 1642. “Eerstelyck, om dat de Negotie der Swarten, welck de voornaemste jae de eenichste handelinge van Angola is, door niemant bequamer als door de selve can werden gereguleert ane dien die nergens als in Brasil overgebracht, vercocht en geconsumeert werden.” 167 Van den Boogaart and Emmer, “The Dutch Participation in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1596-1650,” 358. 221
the area in which the company was best able to make the transition from piracy and conquest to trade. It may be interesting in this context to revisit Arthur Weststeijn’s argument and in particular a quotation he takes from the abbé Raynal, who wrote that the Dutch had to part with a conquest [northeastern Brazil] that might have become the richest of all the European colonies, and would have given the republic a degree of importance it could never acquire from its own territory. But, in order to keep it, the government ought to have undertaken the administration and defense of it; and to make it prosper, it should have enjoyed full liberty. With these precautions, Brazil would have been preserved, and would have enriched the nation, instead of ruining the company. Unfortunately, it was not yet known that the only way to make lands useful in America was to clear them, and that this could not be done with success, unless a free trade were opened to all the inhabitants under the protection of government. 168 Weststeijn uses this quotation to establish Raynal’s debt to Pieter de la Court and his belief that Dutch Brazil failed because it had never enjoyed “full liberty.” But emphasis might be put on another portion of the quotation, in which Raynal argued that the Dutch state should have taken full responsibility for the colony’s defense and administration. The debate over free trade was in part about commercial liberty, but it was also about how to fund colonial expansion precisely in the absence of direct public support. With the onset of the Portuguese revolt over the summer of 1645 and the company’s finances in disarray, this became the dominant question in discussions between the WIC and the States General: would the States General commit money and men to save Dutch Brazil? 168 Cited in Weststeijn, “Dutch Brazil and the Making of Free Trade Ideology,” 1. 222
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needed to sustain the colony’s economy. 164 But Maurits opposed opening the trade to Angola, on<br />
the grounds th<strong>at</strong> only the company could be trusted to ensure a steady supply of slaves. 165 His<br />
position may well have been influenced by his strong desire to personally assume control over<br />
the administr<strong>at</strong>ion of Loanda. In a 1641 proposal, he argued th<strong>at</strong> “the trade in blacks, which is<br />
the foremost and the only trade of Angola, can be no better regul<strong>at</strong>ed than by us in Brazil, to<br />
which the slaves are brought [and where they are] sold and consumed.” 166 Maurits suggested<br />
many other advantages of this proposal, including the fact th<strong>at</strong> Brazil was closer and company<br />
servants were already acclim<strong>at</strong>ized and could speak Portuguese. To do otherwise, he concluded,<br />
was “to put two heads on one body.” Despite these arguments, the Heren XIX decided to separ<strong>at</strong>e<br />
the company's administr<strong>at</strong>ion in Africa into two parts—northern (based <strong>at</strong> Elmina) and southern<br />
(based in Loanda)—and to control both directly from the United Provinces. 167 In this case the<br />
political incentives in the center and the periphery did not align: Maurits wanted to assume<br />
control over the slave trade, as a means to enhance and expand his authority in Brazil, while the<br />
Heren XIX wanted to ensure Angola's dependence on themselves and the income promised by<br />
the slave trade. For Maurits political factors counseled free trade in one case, monopoly in the<br />
other.<br />
The arguments of the free traders failed and the trade in slaves from Angola remained a<br />
company monopoly, only growing in importance over time. Indeed, the slave trade was probably<br />
<br />
164 Blackburn, The Making of New World Slavery, 197.<br />
165 V. W. C., Trou-hertighe onderrichtinge, aen alle hooft participanten, en lief-hebbers vande geoctroyeerde West-<br />
Indische Compagnie. Nopende het open stellen vanden handel op de cust van Africa, namentlijck, St. Thomé,<br />
Guinea, Angola, St. Paulo de Loando, mitsgaders de Marignian, Nieu Nederlant ende West-Indien., C.<br />
166 NA 1.01.04, inv.nr. 5756. Redenen; ende correctie, waeromme de Negotie der Swaerten, De Stadt St. Paulo de<br />
Loanda, ende Regieringe van den Coninkrycke van Angola behoort te dependeren van den Gouverneur en Hoge<br />
Raeden in Brasil, ofte met de regieringe Aldaer werden gecombineert. Signed by Maurice Conte de Nassau and<br />
received by the St<strong>at</strong>es General on January 19, 1642. “Eerstelyck, om d<strong>at</strong> de Negotie der Swarten, welck de<br />
voornaemste jae de eenichste handelinge van Angola is, door niemant bequamer als door de selve can werden<br />
gereguleert ane dien die nergens als in Brasil overgebracht, vercocht en geconsumeert werden.”<br />
167 Van den Boogaart and Emmer, “The Dutch Particip<strong>at</strong>ion in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1596-1650,” 358.<br />
221