Dissertation_A Bick_May 25 - DataSpace at Princeton University
Dissertation_A Bick_May 25 - DataSpace at Princeton University Dissertation_A Bick_May 25 - DataSpace at Princeton University
handle [the trade] than private merchants.” An anonymous pamphlet on the question of free trade to “the Coast of Africa, namely St. Thome, Guinea, Angola, St. Paulo de Loanda,” addressed to “all the company's chief investors,” appeared shortly thereafter. 157 The pamphlet argued that opening the trade to Brazil had been a disaster for the company's finances, but that now some within the company were eager to do the same in Africa. The folly of this plan was clear enough from the common observation that competition from the English was already driving down profits in the Africa trade; the same would be true if the trade was opened. But, more important, the company's monopoly over the slave trade ensured that slaves went to Brazil, rather than to Spanish America, where the “King of Spain [now receives] no slaves to work in his Gold and Silver mines.” 158 Free traders could not be trusted in this way. There were problems with the company's management, the pamphlet's author concluded, but to open the trade was “a cure worse than the disease.” 159 Perhaps not coincidentally, the arguments in favor of free trade with Africa coincided with the emergence of Curaçao as a new destination for slaves to be traded onwards to Spanish America and colonies in the Caribbean. This was first proposed by the island's Director General, Johannes van Walbeek, in 1639 and gained steam under his successors in the early 1640s, including Pieter Stuyvesant, who served from 1642-1644. 160 When he returned to the United Provinces, Stuyvesant presented the Heren XIX with plans for Curaçao to be administered 157 V. W. C., Trou-hertighe onderrichtinge, aen alle hooft participanten, en lief-hebbers vande geoctroyeerde West- Indische Compagnie. Nopende het open stellen vanden handel op de cust van Africa, namentlijck, St. Thomé, Guinea, Angola, St. Paulo de Loando, mitsgaders de Marignian, Nieu Nederlant ende West-Indien. (Amsterdam, 1643). 158 In 1640, Maurits argued that stopping the flow of slaves from Loanda would strike a key blow against Spain for exactly this reason. Koninklijk Huisarchief A4, inv.nr. 1454, fol. 196. “Le Roy de Castille ne tyrant de Negros d’Angola, la ruine des indes est inevitable.” 159 V. W. C., Trou-hertighe onderrichtinge, aen alle hooft participanten, en lief-hebbers vande geoctroyeerde West- Indische Compagnie. Nopende het open stellen vanden handel op de cust van Africa, namentlijck, St. Thomé, Guinea, Angola, St. Paulo de Loando, mitsgaders de Marignian, Nieu Nederlant ende West-Indien., B3. 160 Goslinga, The Dutch in the Caribbean and on the Wild Coast 1580-1680. 217
directly from New Netherland, and shortly thereafter he was appointed Director General for both colonies, a position he would keep until surrendering to English forces in 1664. 161 Since New Netherland had for several years already been controlled by the Amsterdam chamber of the WIC, this arrangement would place Curaçao under Amsterdam’s control as well. It must have been easy enough for Amsterdam merchants to see what profits might be gained from a free and open trade not only to Brazil, but to new markets in the Caribbean and Spanish America as well. 6. Conclusion In many ways the debate over free trade to Angola mirrored the earlier debate over free trade to Brazil. In both cases merchants in Amsterdam were the prime instigators for lifting the company’s monopoly, while merchants and city officials in Zeeland were their most ardent and vocal opponents. In both cases the free traders argued for the advantages of commercial liberty and portrayed themselves as possessing greater competence in matters of trade: in the context of Brazil this meant the ability to carry more sugar; in Angola more slaves. Defenders of the company’s monopoly, meanwhile, argued that the company should be able to enjoy some of the profits that flowed from its military and administrative undertakings and associated risks, and that the company’s ability to control prices and maintain order were crucial to the proper management of the colonies. But these similarities hide an important underlying shift. This chapter has argued that the States General’s decision to re-impose the company's monopoly on trade to Brazil in December 1636 was stimulated by investors’ refusal to commit additional private capital to the WIC without assurance that the company would have access to steady income from Brazil, and 161 Jacobs, Petrus Stuyvesant, 45–48. 218
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handle [the trade] than priv<strong>at</strong>e merchants.” An anonymous pamphlet on the question of free trade<br />
to “the Coast of Africa, namely St. Thome, Guinea, Angola, St. Paulo de Loanda,” addressed to<br />
“all the company's chief investors,” appeared shortly thereafter. 157 The pamphlet argued th<strong>at</strong><br />
opening the trade to Brazil had been a disaster for the company's finances, but th<strong>at</strong> now some<br />
within the company were eager to do the same in Africa. The folly of this plan was<br />
clear enough from the common observ<strong>at</strong>ion th<strong>at</strong> competition from the English was already<br />
driving down profits in the Africa trade; the same would be true if the trade was opened. But,<br />
more important, the company's monopoly over the slave trade ensured th<strong>at</strong> slaves went to Brazil,<br />
r<strong>at</strong>her than to Spanish America, where the “King of Spain [now receives] no slaves to work in<br />
his Gold and Silver mines.” 158 Free traders could not be trusted in this way. There were problems<br />
with the company's management, the pamphlet's author concluded, but to open the trade was “a<br />
cure worse than the disease.” 159<br />
Perhaps not coincidentally, the arguments in favor of free trade with Africa coincided<br />
with the emergence of Curaçao as a new destin<strong>at</strong>ion for slaves to be traded onwards to Spanish<br />
America and colonies in the Caribbean. This was first proposed by the island's Director General,<br />
Johannes van Walbeek, in 1639 and gained steam under his successors in the early 1640s,<br />
including Pieter Stuyvesant, who served from 1642-1644. 160 When he returned to the United<br />
Provinces, Stuyvesant presented the Heren XIX with plans for Curaçao to be administered<br />
<br />
157 V. W. C., Trou-hertighe onderrichtinge, aen alle hooft participanten, en lief-hebbers vande geoctroyeerde West-<br />
Indische Compagnie. Nopende het open stellen vanden handel op de cust van Africa, namentlijck, St. Thomé,<br />
Guinea, Angola, St. Paulo de Loando, mitsgaders de Marignian, Nieu Nederlant ende West-Indien. (Amsterdam,<br />
1643).<br />
158 In 1640, Maurits argued th<strong>at</strong> stopping the flow of slaves from Loanda would strike a key blow against Spain for<br />
exactly this reason. Koninklijk Huisarchief A4, inv.nr. 1454, fol. 196. “Le Roy de Castille ne tyrant de Negros<br />
d’Angola, la ruine des indes est inevitable.”<br />
159 V. W. C., Trou-hertighe onderrichtinge, aen alle hooft participanten, en lief-hebbers vande geoctroyeerde West-<br />
Indische Compagnie. Nopende het open stellen vanden handel op de cust van Africa, namentlijck, St. Thomé,<br />
Guinea, Angola, St. Paulo de Loando, mitsgaders de Marignian, Nieu Nederlant ende West-Indien., B3.<br />
160 Goslinga, The Dutch in the Caribbean and on the Wild Coast 1580-1680.<br />
217