Dissertation_A Bick_May 25 - DataSpace at Princeton University
Dissertation_A Bick_May 25 - DataSpace at Princeton University Dissertation_A Bick_May 25 - DataSpace at Princeton University
However narrowly one defines “meaningful sense,” Pagden's assertions that the Dutch neither exercised rulership nor ever regarded themselves as an imperial power can only be sustained by casting the long shadow of the 1660s back onto the first half of the seventeenth century. 12 During this period—in effect the heart of the Golden Age—companies chartered by the States General seized and attempted to govern the world's richest sugar colony and quite self-consciously pursued strategies of either conquest or settlement in places as diverse as the Caribbean, southern Chile, the Hudson and Delaware Valleys, the West Coast of Africa, the Cape of Good Hope, Ceylon, and the Indonesian Archipelago. 13 In the Atlantic, at least, this strategy ultimately failed, but erasing the ambitions that lay behind it makes it difficult if not impossible to understand the competing interests that animated Dutch overseas expansion in the first place and why, even in 1649, more than half of Amsterdam's city council disagreed with Bicker and argued in favor of spending the city’s money to save Dutch Brazil. 14 What were the company’s aims in Brazil? Who were the men gathered around the table in Middelburg in the fall of 1645? What models did they draw on in formulating their plans, and how did they reach collective decisions on commercial and imperial policy? What assistance did they draw from the Dutch state—or, posed somewhat differently, how did a joint stock company and a decentralized republic notorious for its particularism share the responsibilities of governing an overseas empire? Finally, what might this relatively brief episode be able to tell us about the Protestantism and Patriotism: Ideologies and the Making of English Foreign Policy, 1650-1668 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); David Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). 12 Here I follow Boxer, who argued that the failure of Dutch Brazil was hardly inevitable, or at least that it hardly appeared so to contemporaries in the early 1640s. See Boxer, The Dutch in Brazil, 1624-1654, 109. 13 C. R. Boxer, The Dutch Seaborne Empire, 1600-1800, (New York: Knopf, 1965). See also Henk den Heijer, De Geschiedenis van de WIC (Zutphen: Walburg, 2002); Femme Gaastra, The Dutch East India Company: Expansion and Decline (Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 2003). 14 Of the 36 members of the Amsterdam city council, 17 voted in favor of rescuing Brazil, eleven voted against, and eight were either absent on the day of the vote or had deceased. See Copye vande Resolutie van de Heeren Burgemeesters ende Raden tot Amsterdam. Op’t Stuck van de West-Indische Compagnie. 5
nexus of commerce and power for which the Dutch would subsequently become famous? These are the central questions that motivate the dissertation that follows. Answering them requires a careful re-examination of politics within the WIC and a radical reassessment of the collapse of Dutch Brazil that began in 1645. The dissertation proceeds in an unconventional fashion: focusing tightly on negotiations in the Heren XIX in Middelburg over a period of only six weeks, it offers an intimate look at how policy was made and recovers the worldview of the company's directors at the height of their power, on the precipice of a disaster that they still believed could be averted. 15 This is made possible by the survival of detailed minutes for the meeting—one of the only complete sets of minutes that escaped fire and rag merchants in the nineteenth century, and the only meeting for which scholars can consult both ordinary and secret minutes. Read in conjunction with surviving minutes from other meetings of the Heren XIX, as well as notes, letters, reports, memoranda, and the diaries or memoires of individuals who participated in the proceedings, these minutes offer an important alternative to the printed record as a source for reconstructing company politics. Self-consciously, and perhaps somewhat unfashionably, the dissertation examines imperial history from the perspective of a corporate boardroom. This perspective reveals actors, such as the nobility, who have been overlooked in the history of Dutch overseas expansion, and connections, such as that between debates over free trade and slavery, that have either escaped notice or been misunderstood in earlier accounts. And it offers an alternative explanation for why 15 Linda Colley and Emma Rothschild have recently pioneered a new perspective on empire that draws on the intimate experience of, respectively, women and families in the eighteenth century. While quite different from this approach, this dissertation draws inspiration from their concern with reconstructing a coherent, intimate view of empire. Linda Colley, The Ordeal of Elizabeth Marsh: A Woman in World History (New York: Pantheon, 2007); Emma Rothschild, The Inner Life of Empires: An Eighteenth-Century History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2011). 6
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However narrowly one defines “meaningful sense,” Pagden's assertions th<strong>at</strong> the Dutch neither<br />
exercised rulership nor ever regarded themselves as an imperial power can only be sustained by<br />
casting the long shadow of the 1660s back onto the first half of the seventeenth century. 12 During<br />
this period—in effect the heart of the Golden Age—companies chartered by the St<strong>at</strong>es General<br />
seized and <strong>at</strong>tempted to govern the world's richest sugar colony and quite self-consciously<br />
pursued str<strong>at</strong>egies of either conquest or settlement in places as diverse as the Caribbean, southern<br />
Chile, the Hudson and Delaware Valleys, the West Coast of Africa, the Cape of Good Hope,<br />
Ceylon, and the Indonesian Archipelago. 13 In the Atlantic, <strong>at</strong> least, this str<strong>at</strong>egy ultim<strong>at</strong>ely failed,<br />
but erasing the ambitions th<strong>at</strong> lay behind it makes it difficult if not impossible to understand the<br />
competing interests th<strong>at</strong> anim<strong>at</strong>ed Dutch overseas expansion in the first place and why, even in<br />
1649, more than half of Amsterdam's city council disagreed with <strong>Bick</strong>er and argued in favor of<br />
spending the city’s money to save Dutch Brazil. 14<br />
Wh<strong>at</strong> were the company’s aims in Brazil? Who were the men g<strong>at</strong>hered around the table<br />
in Middelburg in the fall of 1645? Wh<strong>at</strong> models did they draw on in formul<strong>at</strong>ing their plans, and<br />
how did they reach collective decisions on commercial and imperial policy? Wh<strong>at</strong> assistance did<br />
they draw from the Dutch st<strong>at</strong>e—or, posed somewh<strong>at</strong> differently, how did a joint stock company<br />
and a decentralized republic notorious for its particularism share the responsibilities of governing<br />
an overseas empire? Finally, wh<strong>at</strong> might this rel<strong>at</strong>ively brief episode be able to tell us about the<br />
<br />
Protestantism and P<strong>at</strong>riotism: Ideologies and the Making of English Foreign Policy, 1650-1668 (Cambridge:<br />
Cambridge <strong>University</strong> Press, 1996); David Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge:<br />
Cambridge <strong>University</strong> Press, 2000).<br />
12 Here I follow Boxer, who argued th<strong>at</strong> the failure of Dutch Brazil was hardly inevitable, or <strong>at</strong> least th<strong>at</strong> it hardly<br />
appeared so to contemporaries in the early 1640s. See Boxer, The Dutch in Brazil, 1624-1654, 109.<br />
13 C. R. Boxer, The Dutch Seaborne Empire, 1600-1800, (New York: Knopf, 1965). See also Henk den Heijer, De<br />
Geschiedenis van de WIC (Zutphen: Walburg, 2002); Femme Gaastra, The Dutch East India Company: Expansion<br />
and Decline (Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 2003).<br />
14 Of the 36 members of the Amsterdam city council, 17 voted in favor of rescuing Brazil, eleven voted against, and<br />
eight were either absent on the day of the vote or had deceased. See Copye vande Resolutie van de Heeren<br />
Burgemeesters ende Raden tot Amsterdam. Op’t Stuck van de West-Indische Compagnie.<br />
5