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The Ozette Prairies of Olympic National Park - Natural Resources ...

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a significant part <strong>of</strong> the Makah’s material culture and food supply, as will be detailed below. In fact, the<br />

Makah would have found it difficult to carry on their ocean-based economy without plant products, since<br />

fish nets, fishing lines, fish weirs, baskets for the gathering <strong>of</strong> marine invertebrates, storage containers for<br />

dried salmon, fish drying racks, harpoon lines, harpoon shafts, canoe sails, and canoes were all constructed<br />

from materials derived from plants.<br />

Relative to animals (both marine and terrestrial), plants are not well represented in the archaeo-<br />

logical record. Whereas the bones, shells, and calcified exoskeletons <strong>of</strong> animals resist decay and remain<br />

in the soil for archaeologists to analyze, most plant tissue is highly perishable, especially in the moist<br />

environment <strong>of</strong> the <strong>Olympic</strong> Peninsula. With few exceptions, the remains <strong>of</strong> plants utilized by the Makah<br />

and other tribes <strong>of</strong> the <strong>Olympic</strong> Peninsula have not survived. In Pacific Northwest archaeology in general,<br />

this has resulted in a systematic bias toward groups’ animal-based material culture and toward the roles<br />

<strong>of</strong> men, who did most <strong>of</strong> the hunting and fishing.<br />

Nevertheless, we know from the several other types <strong>of</strong> evidence that plants were as impor-<br />

tant overall to the Makah as animals. Plants provided fuel for heat and cooking, building materials for<br />

structures, pliable leaves, stems, and roots for basketry, medicines, and fiber- and vitamin-rich foods for<br />

balancing a diet high in meat. After interviewing some Makah elders in the 1980s, Steven Gill (2005) concluded<br />

that plant foods may have made up almost 50 percent <strong>of</strong> the diet.<br />

One reflection <strong>of</strong> the dual importance <strong>of</strong> land and sea to the Makah is their calendar (see Table<br />

2). In keeping with the view that time is circular rather than linear in nature, the Makah call the year ts e<br />

qwa q Etc, which means “once around,” and they name each lunar month for a significant feature <strong>of</strong> that<br />

time <strong>of</strong> the year. For most <strong>of</strong> the months, this feature is the appearance <strong>of</strong> or harvest time for a particular<br />

plant or animal (Waterman 1920:45 vol. I). Months named after plants (five) outnumber those named for<br />

animals (four). <strong>The</strong> natural cycles <strong>of</strong> renewal underlying this conception <strong>of</strong> the year were the heartbeat <strong>of</strong><br />

Makah life, and these cycles in turn determined the portion <strong>of</strong> the varied natural world toward which the<br />

Makah turned their attention at any particular season. From their calendar, we can infer that the Makah<br />

were tied to terrestrial landscapes, and in seeking a certain kind <strong>of</strong> berry or other plant, they would return<br />

year after year to the particular places where that plant could be found. <strong>The</strong> fact that the month <strong>of</strong> September<br />

is connected with “the season for cranberries” underscores the importance <strong>of</strong> bogs as a habitat<br />

type to the Makah food economy. According to George B. Rigg (1925) who authored a number <strong>of</strong> articles<br />

on sphagnum bogs <strong>of</strong> the Pacific coast (1940; 1958), listed the bog cranberry as a characteristic bog plant<br />

and noted that it had “been found outside <strong>of</strong> bogs in very rare instances only.”<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ozette</strong> people ranged widely over their territory to hunt and gather the land’s resources.<br />

18

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