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80 Foucault's Writings on <strong>the</strong> Iranian Revolution<br />

certain level of national industrial development <strong>and</strong> who can now only imitate<br />

<strong>the</strong> governing caste by placing <strong>the</strong>ir capital in California banks or in Parisian<br />

real estate, are also discontented. (Ibid., 196)<br />

Before he left France, everyone had told him that "Iran is going through a<br />

crisis of modernization II in which members of its "traditional society" did not<br />

want to follow this pathway but instead to "seek shelter among a retrograde<br />

clergy" (ibid., 194).<br />

As against this, Foucault concluded, implicitly situating himself in a postmodem<br />

position, modernization itself had become an "archaism":<br />

I <strong>the</strong>n felt that I had understood that recent events did not signify a shrinking<br />

back in <strong>the</strong> face of modernization by extremely retrograde elements, but <strong>the</strong><br />

rejection, by a whole culture <strong>and</strong> a whole people, of a modernization that is<br />

itself an archaism. The shah's misfortune is to have espoused this archaism.<br />

His crime is to have maintained, through a corrupt <strong>and</strong> despotic system, that<br />

fragment of <strong>the</strong> past in a present that no longer wants it. Yes, modernization as<br />

a political project <strong>and</strong> as a principle of social transformation is a thing of <strong>the</strong><br />

past in Iran. ('The Shah, " app ., 195-96)<br />

Thus, <strong>the</strong> shah's plan for secularization <strong>and</strong> modernization, h<strong>and</strong>ed down<br />

by his fa<strong>the</strong>r Reza Shah, a brutal dictator lmown for "his famous gaze, " was<br />

itself retrograde <strong>and</strong> archaic ("The Shah," app., 197). Here <strong>the</strong> allusion to his<br />

Discipline <strong>and</strong> Punish was quite clear: The Pahlavi shahs were <strong>the</strong> guardians of<br />

a modernizing disciplinary state that subjected all of <strong>the</strong> people of Iran to <strong>the</strong><br />

intense gaze of <strong>the</strong>ir overlords, most recently through <strong>the</strong> SAVAK.<br />

Some French intellectuals were more critical of <strong>the</strong> Islamist movement,<br />

however. One example is a September 30 opinion piece in Le Monde entitled<br />

"The Future Is Fundamentalist," by <strong>the</strong> novelist <strong>and</strong> poet Gabriel Matzneff,<br />

who had lived for many years in Tunisia <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r Arab l<strong>and</strong>s. 10<br />

Like Foucault, he aclmowledged that Islamism was rapidly gaining headway,<br />

"from <strong>the</strong> s<strong>and</strong>s of Libya to <strong>the</strong> cities ofIran." Unlike Foucault, however,<br />

Matzneff sounded a discordant note when he referred to "<strong>the</strong> severe beauties<br />

of <strong>the</strong> Quran," <strong>and</strong> pointed out that "<strong>the</strong> Quran <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Book of Leviticus<br />

have a family resemblance" (Matzneff 1978). Chapter 20 of <strong>the</strong> Book<br />

of Leviticus, it should be recalled, m<strong>and</strong>ated <strong>the</strong> death penalty fo r adultery<br />

<strong>and</strong> homosexuality, as well as stoning to death for witchcraft. Although <strong>the</strong><br />

negative tone of Matzneffs commentary was ra<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> exception (see Rezvani<br />

1978; Bromberger <strong>and</strong> Digard 1978), few French commentators at this

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