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70 Foucault's Writings on <strong>the</strong> Iranian Revolution<br />

first dispatch from Iran, Corriere della sera's editors intoned enthusiastically<br />

that Foucault's article would begin "a series of reports ... which will represent<br />

something new in European journalism <strong>and</strong> which will be entitled<br />

'Michel Foucault Investigates'" (cited in Macey 1993, 406).<br />

In preparation for his trip to Iran, Foucault met with Thierry Mignon, a<br />

human rights lawyer active on Iranian issues, <strong>and</strong> his wife, Sylvie Mignon. In<br />

addition, Salamatian furnished Foucault with books, paqJ.phlets, <strong>and</strong>, most<br />

important, contacts inside Iran. Foucault also met twice with Abolhassan<br />

Bani-Sadr, <strong>the</strong> European-educated Iranian exile who was to become <strong>the</strong> first<br />

president of <strong>the</strong> Islamic Republic. (In 1981, he had to flee for his life back to<br />

Paris.) Years later, Bani-Sadr reported that Foucault's interest in Iran in 1978<br />

had turned on two issues. First, he had asked about <strong>the</strong> conditions under<br />

which a large spontaneous movement could form <strong>and</strong> be in <strong>the</strong> process of<br />

making a <strong>revolution</strong>, all of this outside <strong>the</strong> traditional political parties. Second,<br />

recounted Bani-Sadr, he had expressed interest at a more general level<br />

in <strong>the</strong> ways in which a discourse of subjection to power was being replaced<br />

by one of resistance. Bani-Sadr went on to suggest that <strong>the</strong> encounter with<br />

Iran was a crucial turning point in Foucault's thinking <strong>and</strong> that as a result of<br />

<strong>the</strong> Iranian events, he was to become more interested in notions of human<br />

agency <strong>and</strong> resistance (personal communication, December 11, 2002).<br />

On October 6, three weeks after Foucault arrived in Iran, Khomeini received<br />

authorization to move from his exile in Iraq to <strong>the</strong> Paris suburb of<br />

Neauphle-Ie-Chateau, where he became <strong>the</strong> subject of intense international<br />

media attention. By mid-October, <strong>the</strong> two most important internal opposition<br />

groups, <strong>the</strong> Freedom Movement (headed by Khomeini's supporter<br />

Mehdi Bazargan) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> secular National Front (led by Karim Sanjabi) had<br />

announced <strong>the</strong>ir support for Khomeini's leadership of <strong>the</strong> movement against<br />

<strong>the</strong> shah. In September, <strong>the</strong> political situation inside Iran was still somewhat<br />

fluid, however, <strong>and</strong> not all observers recognized <strong>the</strong> depth <strong>and</strong> seriousness of<br />

<strong>the</strong> opposition. For example, <strong>the</strong> U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency concluded<br />

that month that <strong>the</strong> shah would remain in power for ano<strong>the</strong>r decade. Within<br />

weeks, however, sustained strikes in <strong>the</strong> communications, water, railroad,<br />

manufacturing, <strong>and</strong> especially <strong>the</strong> oil sectors would change that prognosis.<br />

During September <strong>and</strong> October, <strong>the</strong> shah's appointed government, led<br />

by Prime Minister Ja'far Sharif-Imami, was desperately trying to maintain<br />

<strong>the</strong> regime by releasing political prisoners. Among those released were two<br />

key supporters of Khomeini, Ayatollah Hussein Ali Montazari <strong>and</strong> Ayatollah<br />

Mahmud Taleqani. By late October, angry civil servants were pulling pictures<br />

of <strong>the</strong> shah <strong>and</strong> his wife down from <strong>the</strong> walls of government offices. Former<br />

Prime Minister Ali Amini tried to work out a compromise by encouraging

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