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The Paradoxical World of Foucault 29<br />

under discussion is sex, <strong>and</strong> those who initiate sex are adult men, while <strong>the</strong><br />

discursive bodies upon which sex is practiced belong to children or adolescents<br />

(boys or girls), Foucault suddenly ab<strong>and</strong>ons his brilliant insight on <strong>the</strong><br />

body as a location where docility is achieved through minute operations of<br />

power. IS<br />

Nancy Fraser enters this debate by pointing to multiple ambiguities in<br />

Foucault's concept of power. Foucault stressed that power permeates eerything.<br />

that "power-free cultures, social practices, <strong>and</strong> knowledges are in principle<br />

impossible." He also claimed that his own description of modern power<br />

was "normatively neutral." However, Foucault's descriptions of <strong>the</strong> modem<br />

power/knowledge axis are filled with phrases such as "domination" <strong>and</strong> " subjugation"<br />

(Fraser 1989, 29). Even when one agrees that all cultural practices<br />

involve power relations, Fraser sees some serious problems in Foucault's conceptualization<br />

of power: "It doesn't follow that all forms of power are normatively<br />

equivalent, or that any social practices are as good as any o<strong>the</strong>rs. Indeed,<br />

it is essential to Foucault's own project that he is able to distinguish better<br />

from worse sets of practices <strong>and</strong> forms of constraint. But this requires greater<br />

normative resources than he possesses" (32). Fraser compares Foucault unfavorably<br />

to both Max Weber <strong>and</strong> Habermas. In contrast to Weber, Foucault<br />

did not make systematic distinctions among various forms of power such<br />

as "authority, force, violence, domination <strong>and</strong> legitimation." However, in<br />

<strong>the</strong> tradition of Nietzsche <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> earlier Frankfurt School <strong>the</strong>orists Theodor<br />

Adorno <strong>and</strong> Max Horkheimer, Foucault critiqued Western rationality. This<br />

led him to a dead end, for two reasons, Fraser concludes. First, he proposed<br />

no criteria for distinguishing forms of power that dominate <strong>and</strong> subjugate<br />

from those that express emancipatory impulses. Second, he endorsed "a onesided,<br />

wholesale rejection of modernity, " without suggesting anything to put<br />

in its place (33). This position was not so far removed from <strong>the</strong> late Adorno's<br />

"negative dialectics."<br />

The tension between feminism <strong>and</strong> Foucault can also be located in his<br />

work on sexuality studies. Foucault turned to a genealogy of (male) homosexual<br />

relations in <strong>the</strong> Greco-Roman world in his last two published books.<br />

But he was not an enthusiastic supporter of <strong>the</strong> gay <strong>and</strong> lesbian liberation<br />

movement in France <strong>and</strong> Western Europe in <strong>the</strong> 1970s. He did not share <strong>the</strong><br />

new enthusiasm for "gay pride." He feared that <strong>the</strong> new emphasis on a gay<br />

lifestyle would sustain <strong>the</strong> binary division between heterosexual (normal)<br />

<strong>and</strong> homosexual (pathological) in <strong>the</strong> modern world. In his view, upholding<br />

a gay identity meant acknowledging one's pathology, for "to betray <strong>the</strong> law<br />

of normality means continuing to recognize its existence" (cited in Nye 1996,<br />

234). One had to break altoge<strong>the</strong>r with notions of a specific homosexual

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