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Appendix 227<br />

are witnessing-provisionally perhaps-<strong>the</strong> end of an epoch in which <strong>the</strong><br />

crystallization of such attitudes (a process briefly described above) has been<br />

partially hidden from view.<br />

Throughout a whole era, beginning in <strong>the</strong> middle of <strong>the</strong> nineteenth cen­<br />

tury, <strong>the</strong> elites of <strong>the</strong> Muslim world have been seduced by new ideologies.<br />

First, secular nationalism of <strong>the</strong> type that developed in Europe after a long<br />

evolution <strong>and</strong> that offered <strong>the</strong> most suitable answer to <strong>the</strong> ideological exi­<br />

gencies of <strong>the</strong> region. Later, to a greater or lesser extent, this nationalism was<br />

colored by socialist ideals, <strong>and</strong> socialism in a universalist form even emerged<br />

at certain points.<br />

These Muslim elites succeeded in channeling <strong>the</strong> feelings <strong>and</strong> aspirations<br />

of <strong>the</strong> masses into <strong>the</strong>se ideologies, transforming <strong>the</strong>m into support for po­<br />

litical mobilization. One must notice, however, that <strong>the</strong> masses reinterpreted<br />

<strong>the</strong>se ideas in <strong>the</strong>ir own way. It happened that foreign domination was <strong>the</strong><br />

work ofinfidels <strong>and</strong> that <strong>the</strong> exploiters were infidels or else one's fellow coun­<br />

trypeople in <strong>the</strong> pay of infidels. No one in <strong>the</strong> lowest social strata, where<br />

nothing had shaken <strong>the</strong> faith in Islam, could fail to notice this. Nor could<br />

skilled <strong>and</strong> perceptive leaders fail to add this singularly effective weapon to<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir arsenal of strictly national <strong>and</strong> social means of mobilization.<br />

However, <strong>the</strong> masses, being inundated with propag<strong>and</strong>a, were little by<br />

little conditioned to formulate slogans of <strong>the</strong> modern sort. Members of <strong>the</strong><br />

popular classes were, moreover, genuinely influenced by <strong>the</strong>se ideas. In areas<br />

of <strong>the</strong> Arab East where <strong>the</strong>re were religious minorities, <strong>the</strong> national <strong>and</strong> so­<br />

cial struggle was often waged jointly by Muslims, Christians, <strong>and</strong> even (until<br />

quite recently) Jews. In Turkey, a prestigious national leader, who scarcely<br />

concealed his basic lack of belief, could draw a large following <strong>and</strong> carry out<br />

militantly secular measures.<br />

In Iran, certain elements, even outside <strong>the</strong> elite, could be seduced by a<br />

nationalism which celebrated <strong>the</strong> glories of Iran in <strong>the</strong> Zoroastrian era <strong>and</strong><br />

which considered <strong>the</strong> conversion to Islam a mere cultural <strong>and</strong> national re­<br />

gression brought about by barbarous Arab conquerors (<strong>and</strong> Sunni, toO!).89<br />

In <strong>the</strong> Maghreb, emigrants proletarianized in France were exposed in large<br />

numbers to <strong>the</strong> influence of a social climate that linked militancy with (at<br />

<strong>the</strong> very least) indifference toward religion.<br />

None of <strong>the</strong>se modernizing tendencies has been forgotten. But <strong>the</strong>y have<br />

all lost part of that power to arouse enthusiasm which gave <strong>the</strong>m supremacy<br />

<strong>and</strong> relegated religion to <strong>the</strong> status of an auxiliary, everyday morality, <strong>and</strong><br />

which at <strong>the</strong> same time could call into question practices <strong>and</strong> dogmas at vari­<br />

ance with modern ideologies <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ideology of modernization.

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