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Debating <strong>the</strong> Outcome of <strong>the</strong> Revolution, Especially on Wo men's Rights 129<br />

Third, Foucault suggested that, ra<strong>the</strong>r than leading to new forms of oppression,<br />

<strong>the</strong> injection of religion into government might have <strong>the</strong> opposite<br />

effect: "You said that by invoking Islam, a government would <strong>the</strong>reby create<br />

important limitations upon its basic sovereignty over civil society, due to<br />

obligations grounded on religion." Foucault added that although this idea<br />

"seemed important," he "was somewhat skeptical" as to whe<strong>the</strong>r governments<br />

could so limit <strong>the</strong>mselves ("Open Letter, " app., 261 -62). Why was<br />

he only somewhat skeptical? Apparently because government, especially <strong>the</strong><br />

modem centralized state, was <strong>the</strong> major danger to human dignity <strong>and</strong> autonomy.<br />

This had certainly been <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>me of his today well-known 1978 essay,<br />

"Govemmentality," which had been concerned with issues such as "reason<br />

of state" <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> development of <strong>the</strong> modem state as a whole. The problem<br />

was that <strong>the</strong> modem state was Hgovemed according to rational principles<br />

that are intrinsic to it <strong>and</strong> cannot be derived from natural or divine laws or<br />

<strong>the</strong> principles of wisdom <strong>and</strong> prudence" (Foucault 2000b, 212-13; emphasis<br />

added). Thus, it would seem that even a state justifying itself by "divine laws"<br />

was less a danger than a religiously neutral but <strong>the</strong>refore more autonomous<br />

modem state.<br />

After <strong>the</strong>se preliminaries, Foucault began his critique of <strong>the</strong> Islamic Republic,<br />

writing that "<strong>the</strong> trials taking place in Iran today do not fail to cause<br />

concern" ("Open Letter, " app., 262). He went on to ask if those on trial had<br />

been given <strong>the</strong>ir full rights to defend <strong>the</strong>mselves, noting that in a situation<br />

where a defendant is hated by <strong>the</strong> public, this is especially difficult. Foucault<br />

<strong>the</strong>n expressed <strong>the</strong> wish that Bazargan would hear his plea, despite <strong>the</strong> fact<br />

that Iranians were tired of having Westerners tell <strong>the</strong>m what to do.<br />

Seen in <strong>the</strong> context of <strong>the</strong> discussions in France at <strong>the</strong> time over Iran,<br />

Foucault's criticisms were ra<strong>the</strong>r mild <strong>and</strong> hesitant. This was probably because<br />

this letter was addressed to <strong>the</strong> Iranian prime minister ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong><br />

French public. But it could hardly have satisfied Foucault's critics very much,<br />

since he never called into question <strong>the</strong> overall project of an Islamist government.<br />

The closest Foucault carne to a reply to his now numerous critics, still<br />

without naming any of <strong>the</strong>m, was in his article "Is It Useless to Revolt?" which<br />

was published on <strong>the</strong> front page of Le Monde on May II, 1979. Foucault<br />

began with some general comments on <strong>revolution</strong>ary uprisings, mentioning<br />

not only Iran, but also <strong>the</strong> 1943 Warsaw Ghetto Uprising against <strong>the</strong> Nazis:<br />

Uprisings belong to history, but in a certain way, <strong>the</strong>y escape it. The movement<br />

through which a lone man, a group, a minority, or an entire people say, "I<br />

will no longer obey, /I <strong>and</strong> are willing to risk <strong>the</strong>ir lives in <strong>the</strong> face of a power

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