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Debating <strong>the</strong> Outcome of <strong>the</strong> Revolution, Especially on Women's Rights<br />

timeless drama into which one could fit <strong>the</strong> historical drama of a people that<br />

pitted its very existence against that ofits sovereign. ("Iran, · app., 252)<br />

This was a fitting criticism of <strong>the</strong> vulgar Marxist notion of religion as a permanently<br />

conservative ideology that masked something deeper, such as class<br />

conflict. Instead, Foucault saw religion as a discourse that could take on different<br />

political meanings at different times. But what was curious was how Foucault<br />

characterized Iranian Shi'ism as a "timeless," unified, historico-cultural<br />

discourse system, one that completely overrode those "contradictions· with<br />

which, he acknowledged in passing, "Iranian society" was "shot through."<br />

Blanchet countered that while in <strong>the</strong> fall of 1978 <strong>the</strong> mass movement<br />

had seemed unified, by early 1979 this was beginning to change: "0 bvi ously,<br />

afterwards, things will settle down <strong>and</strong> different strata, different classes, will<br />

become visible" ("Iran," app., 252). Foucault disagreed. He again extolled<br />

<strong>the</strong> "absolutely collective will" he had witnessed among <strong>the</strong> Iranian masses.<br />

He compared <strong>the</strong> Iranian Revolution to previous anticolonial struggles <strong>and</strong><br />

referred to <strong>the</strong> United States <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r Western backers of <strong>the</strong> shah. There<br />

was more. The Iranian Revolution expressed something greater <strong>and</strong> deeper<br />

than nationalism: "But national feeling has, in my opinion, been only one of<br />

<strong>the</strong> components of a still more radical rejection: <strong>the</strong> rejection by a people not<br />

only of foreigners, but of everything that had constituted over <strong>the</strong> years, <strong>the</strong><br />

centuries, its political destiny" (ibid., 253). Here, what Foucault perceived<br />

to be <strong>the</strong> deeply antimodernist <strong>the</strong>mes of <strong>the</strong> Iranian Revolution drew his<br />

attention.<br />

Blanchet again warned of uncritical euphoria with respect to <strong>the</strong> events in<br />

Iran, referring to his <strong>and</strong> Briere's experience in China during <strong>the</strong> Cultural Revolution.<br />

In particular, Blanchet expressed skepticism about Foucault's notion<br />

of an "absolutely collective will":<br />

There was <strong>the</strong> same type of collective will . . . . Afterwards, we came to realize<br />

that we'd been taken in to some extent; <strong>the</strong> Chinese, too. It's true that, to an<br />

extent, we took ourselves in. And that's why, sometimes, we hesitate to allow<br />

ourselves to be carried away by Iran. In any case, <strong>the</strong>re is something similar in<br />

<strong>the</strong> charisma of Mao Zedong <strong>and</strong> of Khomeini; <strong>the</strong>re is something similar in<br />

<strong>the</strong> way <strong>the</strong> young Islamic militants speak of Khomeini <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> way <strong>the</strong> Red<br />

Guards spoke of Mao. ("Iran: app., 253)<br />

Once again, Foucault refused <strong>the</strong> implications of a more questioning, critical<br />

stance. Disagreeing directly with Blanchet, he insisted on <strong>the</strong> uniqueness of<br />

<strong>the</strong> events in Iran vis-a.-vis those in China:<br />

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