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foucault-and-the-iranian-revolution-janet-afary

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112 Foucault's Writings on <strong>the</strong> Iranian Revolution<br />

cause. Where Foucault had stressed <strong>the</strong> totally unified character of <strong>the</strong> <strong>revolution</strong>ary<br />

movement, Millett focused on <strong>the</strong> multiplicity of forces involved.<br />

Millett's Iran was more varied than Foucault's. It was secular <strong>and</strong> religious,<br />

female <strong>and</strong> male, gay <strong>and</strong> straight, non-Islamic <strong>and</strong> Islamic. Where Foucault<br />

saw an undifferentiated totality united behind Khomeini, Millett saw deep<br />

contradictions within <strong>the</strong> movement that had overthrown <strong>the</strong> shah. Where<br />

Foucault had supported <strong>the</strong> anti-shah movement only to become silent when<br />

<strong>the</strong>se contradictions emerged, Millett, who had been even more active than<br />

Foucault in <strong>the</strong> anti-shah movement, plunged into those contradictions, seeking<br />

to deepen <strong>the</strong>m in a way that meant supporting <strong>the</strong> rights of women, of<br />

gay men, of workers, of religious <strong>and</strong> ethnic minorities.<br />

In <strong>the</strong> days leading up to March 8, women activists attempting to organize<br />

a celebration of International Women's Day had been attacked in <strong>the</strong><br />

press. The Iranian newspaper Women ' s Re-Awakening responded forcefully to<br />

clerical allegations that feminism was a Western conspiracy:<br />

The words "woman" <strong>and</strong> "international" resurrect nightmares of blasphemy<br />

in <strong>the</strong>ir tiny brains <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y naturally conclude that "this is an international<br />

conspiracy by corrupt <strong>and</strong> promiscuous women." But such thoughts are far<br />

from our conscious <strong>and</strong> freedom-loving women. Our militant <strong>and</strong> suffering<br />

women have borne <strong>the</strong> weight of such sl<strong>and</strong>ers <strong>and</strong> bullying from <strong>the</strong>ir homes<br />

to <strong>the</strong>ir farms, factories, offices <strong>and</strong> schools. Today, when <strong>the</strong> greatest source<br />

of bullying <strong>and</strong> dictatorship in <strong>the</strong> past fifty years of our country has been<br />

overthrown by <strong>the</strong> determined <strong>and</strong> brave struggle of <strong>the</strong>se women <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

menfolk. <strong>the</strong>y will not tolerate any more exploitation <strong>and</strong> coercion. (cited in<br />

Azari 1983, 194)<br />

The Komiteh, a shadowy political <strong>and</strong> police force that was controlled by<br />

Khomeini <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r mullahs dose to him, had also harassed <strong>and</strong> occasionally<br />

detained women activists. Despite <strong>the</strong>se difficulties, feminists had continued<br />

with <strong>the</strong>ir plans for a March 8 demonstration. Millett mentioned summary<br />

trials <strong>and</strong> executions of real or perceived regime opponents, as well as<br />

floggings for drinking alcohol. But as a lesbian activist, she was particularly<br />

shocked by <strong>the</strong> anti-gay killings already taking place: "As for <strong>the</strong> homosexuals,<br />

<strong>the</strong>y were shot right in <strong>the</strong> road, judgment took seconds" (Millett 1982,<br />

109).<br />

On <strong>the</strong> morning of March 8, when Khomeini gave his infamous order<br />

compelling women to wear <strong>the</strong> chador, hundreds of feminists had already<br />

begun to ga<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong> courtyard of Tehran University for <strong>the</strong>ir Inter-

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