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102 Foucault's Writings o n <strong>the</strong> Iranian Revolution<br />

leadingstraightto despotism. Islamism had similarities not to progressive nationalism<br />

but to fascism: "The dominant trend is unquestionably a type of archaic<br />

fascism. By this I mean a wish to establish an authoritarian <strong>and</strong> totalitarian<br />

state whose political police would brutally enforce <strong>the</strong> moral <strong>and</strong> social order"<br />

(ibid., 33; . emphasis added).<br />

Citing <strong>the</strong> well-known historian of Iran Nikki Keddie,27 Rodinson contrasted<br />

Sunni Islam, long dominated by <strong>the</strong> state, with Iranian Shi'ism. Already<br />

in <strong>the</strong> 1 906 Constitutional Revolution, clerics had sided for a period<br />

with secular <strong>revolution</strong>aries against <strong>the</strong> state. The opposition to <strong>the</strong> shah, as<br />

well as similar movements for democracy in o<strong>the</strong>r Muslim l<strong>and</strong>s had again<br />

become interested in an alliance with <strong>the</strong> clerics. Rodinson termed this "a<br />

provisional alliance against One form of despotism which usually numbered<br />

among its members people dreaming of ano<strong>the</strong>r form of despotism" ("Islam<br />

Resurgent? " app., 235). He pointed to specific ways in which <strong>the</strong> ideology of<br />

an Islamic state carried with it many reactionary features:<br />

<strong>the</strong> minimum Muslim fundamentalism, according to <strong>the</strong> Quran, requires<br />

<strong>the</strong> cutting off of a thiefs h<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> halving of a woman's inheritance. In<br />

returning to tradition, as <strong>the</strong> men of religion require, anyone caught drinking<br />

wine must be whipped, <strong>and</strong> an adulterer ei<strong>the</strong>r whipped or stoned. . . .<br />

Nothing is easier or more dangerous than this time-honored custom of<br />

dubbing your adversary an "enemy of God." (Ibid., 235-36)<br />

He concluded by addressing <strong>the</strong> notion of an Islamic Left. The problem with<br />

such a notion was that <strong>the</strong> same ideology that opposed America or <strong>the</strong> West<br />

also exerted "pressure to maintain an archaic moral order" (ibid., 238). Bringing<br />

to bear <strong>the</strong> perspectives of historical materialism, he wrote: "It is astonishing.<br />

after centuries of common experience, that it is still necessary to recall one<br />

of <strong>the</strong> best-attested laws of history. Good moral intentions, whe<strong>the</strong>r or not<br />

endorsed by <strong>the</strong> deity, are a weak basis for determining <strong>the</strong> practical policies<br />

of states" (ibid., 237).<br />

These articles by Rodinson were published not in specialist journals but<br />

on <strong>the</strong> front page of Le Monde <strong>and</strong> were thus available to <strong>the</strong> broad French<br />

public. They, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> doubts expressed by o<strong>the</strong>rs about <strong>the</strong> events in Iran,<br />

would have a strong effect on <strong>the</strong> future response within France to Foucault's<br />

writings on Iran. However, most French commentators continued to be far<br />

more sanguine about <strong>the</strong> <strong>revolution</strong>. On December 30, <strong>the</strong> same day that<br />

Bakhtiar accepted <strong>the</strong> prime ministership, <strong>the</strong> historian Jacques Julliard published<br />

an opinion piece on religion <strong>and</strong> politics in Le Nouvel Observateur, of

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