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90 Foucault's Writings on <strong>the</strong> Iranian Revolution<br />

In his own defense, in later debates Foucault would stress that he had also<br />

mentioned in this article that some of <strong>the</strong> above pronouncements were "not<br />

too reassuring." It is important, however, to specify <strong>the</strong> nature of his doubts,<br />

to wit: "The definitions of an Islamic government . .. seemed to me to have<br />

a familiar but, I must say, not too reassuring clarity. 'These are basic formulas<br />

for democracy, whe<strong>the</strong>r bourgeois or <strong>revolution</strong>ary,' I said. 'Since <strong>the</strong> eighteenth<br />

century now, we have not ceased to repeat <strong>the</strong>m, <strong>and</strong> you know where<br />

<strong>the</strong>y have led' " ("Iranians Dreaming," app., 206). Thus, Foucault's problem<br />

with <strong>the</strong> Islamist vision he had evoked above was not centered on women's<br />

rights or on <strong>the</strong> danger of a clerical authoritarianism. Instead, <strong>the</strong> danger he<br />

saw lurking underneath <strong>the</strong> Iranian upheaval was that of a liberal democracy.<br />

Apparently, his doubts flowed from his two decad ' es of <strong>the</strong>oretical work<br />

exposing <strong>the</strong> confining <strong>and</strong> oppressive features of modern fo rms of political<br />

<strong>and</strong> social power that had grown up alongside liberal democracy.<br />

Foucault also alluded to <strong>the</strong> Islamist movement as "a form of 'political<br />

will'" <strong>and</strong> to its spiritualization of politics: "I do not feel comfortable speaking<br />

of Islamic government as an 'idea' or even as an 'ideal.' Ra<strong>the</strong>r, it impressed<br />

me as a form of 'political will.' It impressed me in its effort to politicize<br />

structures that are inseparably social <strong>and</strong> religious in response to current<br />

problems. It also impressed me in its attempt to open a spiritual dimension<br />

in politics" ("Iranians Dreaming," app., 208). It was this element, "a spiritual<br />

dimension in politics, " that was at <strong>the</strong> center of Foucault's interest in <strong>the</strong> Iranian<br />

Revolution. Also crucial here was ano<strong>the</strong>r notion, that of <strong>the</strong> "political<br />

will" of <strong>the</strong> Iranian people, which he would soon describe as perfectly unified.<br />

He concluded <strong>the</strong> article by referring to <strong>the</strong> crucial place of "political spirituality"<br />

in Iran <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> loss of such spirituality in early modern Europe. This was<br />

something, he wrote, "whose possibility we have forgotten ever since <strong>the</strong> Renaissance<br />

<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> great crises of Christianity." Poised for <strong>the</strong> sharp responses<br />

he knew such views would receive in <strong>the</strong> highly charged world of Parisian intellectual<br />

debate, he said he could " already hear <strong>the</strong> French laughing" at such<br />

a formulation. But, he retorted, "I know that <strong>the</strong>y are wrong" (ibid., 209).<br />

This evocation of "political spirituality" was surely intended to provoke controversy<br />

in France, a country whose political <strong>and</strong> intellectual culture was <strong>the</strong><br />

most determinedly secular of any Western country. 16 What's more, Foucault<br />

had not limited his remarks to Iran, which would have been controversial<br />

enough to French readers, but also suggested that France itself had important<br />

lessons to learn from Iranian political spirituality.<br />

The lack anywhere in <strong>the</strong> article of a sustained critique or even a questioning<br />

of Khomeinism was most striking. Even in this early period, when<br />

<strong>the</strong> repressive <strong>and</strong> obscurantist character of Khomeinism had not come out

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