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The Arcades Project - Operi

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mund Englander, Geschichte der Jranzosischen Arbeiter-Associationen (Hamburg,<br />

1864), vol. 4, 1'1'. 195, 197-198,200.<br />

[Vla,l]<br />

In regard to Cahet. After the February Revolution, someone had discovered . .. ,<br />

in the files of Toulouse's chief of police, a letter from Gouhenant, delegate or<br />

president of the first vanguard, who in 1843, during the trial in Toulouse,2 had<br />

offered his services as police agent to the government of Louis Philippe. It was<br />

known that this poison of espionage in France had penetrated even into all the<br />

pores of family life; but that a police agent, this most disgusting excrescence of the<br />

old society, could have found his way to the leader of the vanguard of Icarians in<br />

order t.o cause his ruin, and at the risk of going under himself, aroused considerahle<br />

surprise. Hadn't police spies been seen in Paris fighting and dying on the<br />

barricades, doing hattle with t.he government in whose pay they stood!" Sigmund<br />

Englander, Geschichte der JranzosischenArbeiter-Associationen, vol. 2, pp. 159-<br />

160. 0 Utopians 0 [Vla,2]<br />

"With t.he development of proletarian conspiracies, the need arose for a division of<br />

labor. <strong>The</strong> members were divided into occasional conspirators, conspirateurs<br />

d 'occasion-that is, workers who engaged in conspiracy alongside their other employment,<br />

merely attending meetings and holding themselves in readiness to appeal'<br />

at the pla(e of assemhly at the leaders' eommand-and professional<br />

conspirat.ors, who devoted all their energy to the conspiracy and made their living<br />

from it . ... <strong>The</strong> social situation of this class determines its entire character from<br />

the outset. Proletarian conspiracy naturally affords them only very limited and<br />

uncertain means of subsistence. <strong>The</strong>y are therefore constantly obliged to dip into<br />

the cash boxes of the conspiracy. A number of them also come into direct conflict<br />

with civil society as such, and appear before the police courts with a greater or<br />

lesser degree of dignity. <strong>The</strong>ir precarious livelihood, dependent in individual cases<br />

more on chance than on their activity, their irregulm' lives whose only fixed portsof-eall<br />

are the taverns of the marchands de vin (the conspirators' places of rendezvous),<br />

their inevitable acquaintanee with all kinds of dubious people, place them<br />

in that social category which in Paris is known as the boheme. <strong>The</strong>se democratic<br />

hohemians of proletarian origin are therefore either workers who have given up<br />

their work and have as a eonsequence become dissolute, or charaeters who have<br />

emerged from the lumpenproletariat. and bring all the dissolute habits of that dass<br />

with them into their new way of life . ... <strong>The</strong> whole way of life of these professional<br />

eonspirators has a most deeidedly hohemian character. Reeruiting sergeants for<br />

the conspil'aey, t.hey go from marchand de vin to marchand de ·vin, feeling t.he<br />

pulse of the workers, seeking out their men, cajoling them into the conspiracy and<br />

getting either the society's treasury or their new friends to foot the bill for the liters<br />

inevitably eonsumed in the process. Indeed, it is really the nwrchand de vin who<br />

provides a roof over their heads. It is with him that. the eonspirator spends most of<br />

his t.ime; it. is here he has his rendezvous with his eolleagues, with the members of<br />

his section and with prospective reeruits; it is here, finally, that the secret meetings<br />

of sections (groups) and seetion leaders t.ake plaee. <strong>The</strong> conspirator, highly san-

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