The Arcades Project - Operi

the emergence of' the Liberal Empire. H A. Malet and P. Grillet, XIXe Siecle (Paris,
1919), p. 275. (Loosening of controls on the press, so as to enable coverage of
debates in tbe Cbamber.) [U4a,S]
Classification of the press under the Restoration. illtras: La Gazette de
France, La Quotidienne, Le Drapeau blanc, Le lonrnal des debats (until 1824).
Independents: Le Globe, Le Minerve, and, from 1830, during the last year of the
Restoration, Le National, I,e Temps. Constitutionalists: Le Constitutionnel, Le
Courrier fraru;;ais, and, after 1824, Le ]ou,.na.l des debats. [U4a,6]
Because of the rarity of newspapers, they were read by groups m the cafes.
Otherwise, they were available only by subscription, which cost around eighty
francs per year. In 1824, the twelve most widely circulating newspapers had,
together, some 56,000 subscribers. For the rest, both the liberals and the royalists
were concerned to keep the lower classes away from the newspaper. [U4a,7]
The "law of justice and of love," rejected by the Chamber of Peers: "One detail
suffices to demonstrate the spirit of the project: every printed sheet, be it only a
notification card, would have been subject to a tax of one franc pel' copy. "
A. Malet and P. Grillet, XIX" Siecle (Paris, 1919), p. 56.
[US,I]
Saint-Simon lingers over the history of the fifteenth-eighteenth centuries, and
gives to the social classes of this period a more concrete and specifically economic
description. Hence, it is this part of Saint-Simon's system that is of' greatest importance
for the genesis of' the theory of class struggle, and that exercises the strongest
influence on its subsequent development . ... Although, for later periods, Saint­
Simon emphasizes the economic moment in his characterization of classes and the
causes of their growth and decline ... ,in order to be consistent he would have
had to see, in this economic activity, the true roots of' the social classes as well. Had
he taken this step, he would inevitably have attained to a materialist conception of
history. But Saint-Simon never took this step, and his general conception remains
idealist. ... The second point that is so surprising in Saint-Simon 's class theory, in
view of its discrepancy with the actual relations among the classes of'the period, is
the representation of' the class of industrialists as homogeneous . ... The manifestly
essential differences that exist: between proletarians and entrepreneurs are
for him external, and their antagonism is grounded in mutual misunderstanding:
the interests of the directors of industrial enterprises, in reality, coincide with the
interests of the masses . ... This entirely unfounded assertion resolves for Saint­
Simon the very real social contradiction, salvaging the unity of the indust.rial class
and, with it, the perspective on a peaceful building-up of the new social system."
V. Volgin, trher die historische Stellung Saint-Simons: in Marx-Engels Archiv,
ed. D. Rjazanov, vol. 1 (Frankfurt am Main (1928»), pp. 97-99. [US,2]
Saint-Simon: Least of all does the industrial system require the overseeing of
individuals, for with a system in which the immediate goal is the well-being of the
many, there ought. not to be any energy wasted on maintaining power over these