The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...
The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ... The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...
also appointed a consul orfundacarius to lead the Pisan community in Alexandria. 326 Both the Pisan and the Venetians had citizens in residence in Alexandria between 1215 and 1245.327 The evolution of Venice's power in Alexandria is followed in details in Jacoby's article throughout the first half of the thirteenth century. This is made possible due to a series of concessions which were granted by the sultan, which remain in the Venetian archives. The first privilege was granted in 1208 and it was followed by others 328 By the middle of the century, the Venetians had two fondachi, a church which was dedicated to St Michael as well as a bath-house. From later treaties Jacoby inferred that from 1208 the Venetians were allowed to sell merchandise everywhere in Alexandria and not just the harbour area. 329 Like the Pisans, from 1208 the Venetians had a consul representing the commune, who also had prerogative over the Venetian merchants and residents. When conflicts occurred among the Venetians or with other Latin residents, the consul applied the Venetian legal system 330 The discussion of the relationship between Genoa and Egypt is especially interesting due to the variety of sources available for the analysis. It was already demonstrated that one of the major consequences of the Fourth Crusade was Genoa's search for new markets as an alternative to Constantinople. Aleppo was a recent addition to their commercial web, but trade with Alexandria had gained prominence. Unfortunately, none of the privileges which were granted to the Genoese in Alexandria can be traced in the archives of Genoa. This is an extraordinary and rather confusing situation because the annals from the beginning of the thirteenth century mention several diplomatic missions of prominent personnel to Alexandria, and many such concessions have remained in the rival Italian cities of Pisa and Venice. Interestingly, despite this gap in the Genoese sources Adolf Schaube wrote that `fir den genuesisch-ägyptischen Ilandelsverkehr haben wir eine ziemlich große Anzahl einzelner Nachrichten, die seine rasche Wiederaufnahme and ungeschwächte Fortdauer beweisen. 9331 Schaube concentrated in his research on the Genoese annals but only rarely mentioned notarial evidence nor did he examined the implications of trade relations on the relationship between Genoa and Egypt. In 1204, the annals mention the return of two consuls from Alexandria, Ogerio de Insulis and Belmosto Lercario junior, as well as two other consuls, Lamberto Fornario and Belmosto Lercario the elder. The latter two were mentioned in Chapter Two as the consuls who, in 1203, 326 David Jacoby, `Les Italiens en Egypte', pp. 84-5. On Pisans concessions in Egypt see also Schaube, Handelsgeschichte, pp. 179-180, and Allmendinger, Die Beziehungen, pp. 84-6. 327 Ibid, p. 79. 328 On the treaties with Venice see 7Th, vol. 2, docs. 188,338,485; David Jacoby, `The Supply of War Materials', p. 105. 329 Jacoby, `The Supply of War Materials', p. 114. 330 Jacoby, `Les Italiens en Egypte' pp. 82-3. 331 Schaube, Handelsgeschichte, p. 180. 97
eceived concessions in Tripoli and Antioch in the name of the commune of Genoa. 332 In 1205 and in 1208 the annals mention the mission of Guglielmo Spinola to Egypt, but once more there is no reference to the terms of the agreements reached in the meetings with the sultan. From the notarial contracts it is possible to discern that the consuls sent to Alexandria were sent for a relatively short mission. They did not leave Genoa until the autumn of 1203 and returned one year later. Ogerio de Insulis made several commercial contracts in September 1203 and registered a commenda contract for £225 that he took with him to Egypt. 333 The cartularies from that year contain no contracts that were registered by Ogerio's partner - Belmosto Lercario junior. However, it is known that the venture in 1203 was not Belmosto's first visit to Alexandria. Two years previously, in 1201, he was given £100 by Sibilia Embriaco, the wife of Guglielmo Embriaco maior, to trade with in Alexandria. 334 The members of the Lercario family were not regular clients of any of the notaries whose cartularies remain in the archives of Genoa today. This is especially unfortunate, because both father and son were sent simultaneously in 1203 on two major diplomatic missions which affected Genoa's foreign affairs and global trade. The important role of Belmosto Lercario the elder, in particular, will be discussed in detail in the discussion of the Genoese communities and self-government in the kingdom of Jerusalem. 335 It is only possible to imagine the nature of the truces that were signed with the Egyptian sultan. The first concession must have been granted to Genoa before 1200 because in August 1200 Genoa is known to have possessed a fondaco and an oven in Alexandria. Like bath-houses and churches, fondachi and ovens were features which a community could only possess with special permission from the local authority. A notarial contract in the unpublished cartulary of Oberto Scriba from 1200 mentions such Genoese possessions in Alexandria. This contract was signed in Genoa between a baker named Giovanni and his apprentice Zorzio de Castello. Zorzio promised to join his master for two years in Alexandria ad servicium furni cfe fundico Ianuensis. 336 The fact that such contract is found in the cartularies implies that despite the strange disappearance of the Egyptian privileges from Genoa's archives, it is possible to conclude that the Genoese preceded their Italian rivals in obtaining concessions in Alexandria. As was already demonstrated, there is evidence of Genoese traffic to Alexandria in the cartularies from 1192. A large number of contracts concerning Levantine trade remain in the cartularies of Oberto de 332 Ann. Ian., vol. 2, p. 92. Note that the Annals mentioned the four as consuls returning from Alexandria, but this is clearly a mistake. See also note I in the margins of that page in the annals. For an edition of the charter from 1203 see Reinhold Röhricht, 'Amalrich I., König von Jerusalem (1162-1174)', Mitteilungen des Instituts fur Österreichische Geschichtsforschung (Innsbruck, 1891), p. 489. See more about this charter in Chapter Five. 333 GG, 691-2, from 21 September 1203. 334 Guglielmo di Sori, MS 102, p. 206, R3. 335 See Chapter Five. 3360S9 1200, cart 4, pp. 239 V6-240 R1; on this case see also Jacoby, `les Italiens en Egypte', p. 81. 98
- Page 47 and 48: Fourth Crusade, there was an increa
- Page 49 and 50: 2 The impact of a crusade: the reac
- Page 51 and 52: enewal and extension of Barbarossa'
- Page 53 and 54: Oberto Malocello, and Heredes de Ma
- Page 55 and 56: would sail in custodiam navium and
- Page 57 and 58: The preparations for the Fourth Cru
- Page 59 and 60: perhaps he was more accurate than u
- Page 61 and 62: All the records that contain such r
- Page 63 and 64: esult of various reasons including
- Page 65 and 66: econfirmed. ' 87 The plan was there
- Page 67 and 68: Not all merchants detailed their pl
- Page 69 and 70: Figure 4: Map of the main trade and
- Page 71 and 72: is correct and the significance of
- Page 73 and 74: This paragraph is a conspicuous pre
- Page 75 and 76: east at the same time as Giovanni t
- Page 77 and 78: Abulafia wrote about Crete that `st
- Page 79 and 80: Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? I
- Page 81 and 82: Malta in Tripoli in great detail wi
- Page 83 and 84: 3 An unprovoked crusade? This chapt
- Page 85 and 86: success, especially with the women
- Page 87 and 88: Although Friedman did not explicitl
- Page 89 and 90: war business could have been for th
- Page 91 and 92: Or vos dirai que les Sarazins d'Ali
- Page 93 and 94: Pope Innocent III and the maritime
- Page 95 and 96: with Venice. 309 This eventually en
- Page 97: peace truces after Hattin, and espe
- Page 101 and 102: commerce in Bougie as well as Alexa
- Page 103 and 104: such specification was necessary. I
- Page 105 and 106: James's letters written to the pope
- Page 107 and 108: most of the ships that sailed in 12
- Page 109 and 110: The sum bequeathed was not related
- Page 111 and 112: 4 Embriaco or do Biblio, what's In
- Page 113 and 114: town may contribute to the understa
- Page 115 and 116: Les Genois transformerent vite ou l
- Page 117 and 118: ecause another branch of the family
- Page 119 and 120: high fee. For Antioch, Genoa reques
- Page 121 and 122: Unfortunately, Gibelet was not incl
- Page 123 and 124: comparative map presented by Elieze
- Page 125 and 126: `perhaps most notable for its hands
- Page 127 and 128: [my 444 emphasis] At first glance,
- Page 129 and 130: One practical implication of this c
- Page 131 and 132: There was some similarity between t
- Page 133 and 134: of James of Vitry there is a simila
- Page 135 and 136: On the following day, 12 March 1186
- Page 137 and 138: of Genoa turned their attention mor
- Page 139 and 140: epresentatives of the church of St
- Page 141 and 142: church of St Lawrence were on the l
- Page 143 and 144: Figure 11: Acre - the census per ho
- Page 145 and 146: 5 The Genoese communities in the ki
- Page 147 and 148: settlers acted as representatives o
also appointed a consul orfundacarius to lead <strong>the</strong> Pisan community in Alex<strong>and</strong>ria. 326 Both <strong>the</strong><br />
Pisan <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Venetians had citizens in residence in Alex<strong>and</strong>ria between 1215 <strong>and</strong> 1245.327 <strong>The</strong><br />
evolution of Venice's power in Alex<strong>and</strong>ria is followed in details in Jacoby's article throughout<br />
<strong>the</strong> first half of <strong>the</strong> thirteenth century. This is made possible due to a series of concessions which<br />
were granted by <strong>the</strong> sultan, which remain in <strong>the</strong> Venetian archives. <strong>The</strong> first privilege was granted<br />
in 1208 <strong>and</strong> it was followed by o<strong>the</strong>rs 328 By <strong>the</strong> middle of <strong>the</strong> century, <strong>the</strong> Venetians had two<br />
fondachi, a church which was dedic<strong>at</strong>ed to St Michael as well as a b<strong>at</strong>h-house. From l<strong>at</strong>er tre<strong>at</strong>ies<br />
Jacoby inferred th<strong>at</strong> from 1208 <strong>the</strong> Venetians were allowed to sell merch<strong>and</strong>ise everywhere in<br />
Alex<strong>and</strong>ria <strong>and</strong> not just <strong>the</strong> harbour area. 329 Like <strong>the</strong> Pisans, from 1208 <strong>the</strong> Venetians had a<br />
consul representing <strong>the</strong> commune, who also had prerog<strong>at</strong>ive over <strong>the</strong> Venetian merchants <strong>and</strong><br />
residents. When conflicts occurred among <strong>the</strong> Venetians or with o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>L<strong>at</strong>in</strong> residents, <strong>the</strong> consul<br />
applied <strong>the</strong> Venetian legal system 330<br />
<strong>The</strong> discussion of <strong>the</strong> rel<strong>at</strong>ionship between Genoa <strong>and</strong> Egypt is especially interesting due<br />
to <strong>the</strong> variety of sources available for <strong>the</strong> analysis. It was already demonstr<strong>at</strong>ed th<strong>at</strong> one of <strong>the</strong><br />
major consequences of <strong>the</strong> Fourth Crusade was Genoa's search for new markets as an altern<strong>at</strong>ive<br />
to Constantinople. Aleppo was a recent addition to <strong>the</strong>ir commercial web, but trade with<br />
Alex<strong>and</strong>ria had gained prominence. Unfortun<strong>at</strong>ely, none of <strong>the</strong> privileges which were granted to<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Genoese</strong> in Alex<strong>and</strong>ria can be traced in <strong>the</strong> archives of Genoa. This is an extraordinary <strong>and</strong><br />
ra<strong>the</strong>r confusing situ<strong>at</strong>ion because <strong>the</strong> annals from <strong>the</strong> beginning of <strong>the</strong> thirteenth century mention<br />
several diplom<strong>at</strong>ic missions of prominent personnel to Alex<strong>and</strong>ria, <strong>and</strong> many such concessions<br />
have remained in <strong>the</strong> rival Italian cities of Pisa <strong>and</strong> Venice. Interestingly, despite this gap in <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Genoese</strong> sources Adolf Schaube wrote th<strong>at</strong> `fir den genuesisch-ägyptischen Il<strong>and</strong>elsverkehr<br />
haben wir eine ziemlich große Anzahl einzelner Nachrichten, die seine rasche Wiederaufnahme<br />
<strong>and</strong> ungeschwächte Fortdauer beweisen. 9331 Schaube concentr<strong>at</strong>ed in his research on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Genoese</strong><br />
annals but only rarely mentioned notarial evidence nor did he examined <strong>the</strong> implic<strong>at</strong>ions of trade<br />
rel<strong>at</strong>ions on <strong>the</strong> rel<strong>at</strong>ionship between Genoa <strong>and</strong> Egypt.<br />
In 1204, <strong>the</strong> annals mention <strong>the</strong> return of two consuls from Alex<strong>and</strong>ria, Ogerio de Insulis<br />
<strong>and</strong> Belmosto Lercario junior, as well as two o<strong>the</strong>r consuls, Lamberto Fornario <strong>and</strong> Belmosto<br />
Lercario <strong>the</strong> elder. <strong>The</strong> l<strong>at</strong>ter two were mentioned in Chapter Two as <strong>the</strong> consuls who, in 1203,<br />
326 David Jacoby, `Les Italiens en Egypte', pp. 84-5. On Pisans concessions in Egypt see also Schaube,<br />
H<strong>and</strong>elsgeschichte, pp. 179-180, <strong>and</strong> Allmendinger, Die Beziehungen, pp. 84-6.<br />
327 Ibid, p. 79.<br />
328 On <strong>the</strong> tre<strong>at</strong>ies with Venice see 7Th, vol. 2, docs. 188,338,485; David Jacoby, `<strong>The</strong> Supply of War<br />
M<strong>at</strong>erials', p. 105.<br />
329<br />
Jacoby, `<strong>The</strong> Supply of War M<strong>at</strong>erials', p. 114.<br />
330<br />
Jacoby, `Les Italiens en Egypte' pp. 82-3.<br />
331<br />
Schaube, H<strong>and</strong>elsgeschichte, p. 180.<br />
97