The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...

The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ... The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...

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also appointed a consul orfundacarius to lead the Pisan community in Alexandria. 326 Both the Pisan and the Venetians had citizens in residence in Alexandria between 1215 and 1245.327 The evolution of Venice's power in Alexandria is followed in details in Jacoby's article throughout the first half of the thirteenth century. This is made possible due to a series of concessions which were granted by the sultan, which remain in the Venetian archives. The first privilege was granted in 1208 and it was followed by others 328 By the middle of the century, the Venetians had two fondachi, a church which was dedicated to St Michael as well as a bath-house. From later treaties Jacoby inferred that from 1208 the Venetians were allowed to sell merchandise everywhere in Alexandria and not just the harbour area. 329 Like the Pisans, from 1208 the Venetians had a consul representing the commune, who also had prerogative over the Venetian merchants and residents. When conflicts occurred among the Venetians or with other Latin residents, the consul applied the Venetian legal system 330 The discussion of the relationship between Genoa and Egypt is especially interesting due to the variety of sources available for the analysis. It was already demonstrated that one of the major consequences of the Fourth Crusade was Genoa's search for new markets as an alternative to Constantinople. Aleppo was a recent addition to their commercial web, but trade with Alexandria had gained prominence. Unfortunately, none of the privileges which were granted to the Genoese in Alexandria can be traced in the archives of Genoa. This is an extraordinary and rather confusing situation because the annals from the beginning of the thirteenth century mention several diplomatic missions of prominent personnel to Alexandria, and many such concessions have remained in the rival Italian cities of Pisa and Venice. Interestingly, despite this gap in the Genoese sources Adolf Schaube wrote that `fir den genuesisch-ägyptischen Ilandelsverkehr haben wir eine ziemlich große Anzahl einzelner Nachrichten, die seine rasche Wiederaufnahme and ungeschwächte Fortdauer beweisen. 9331 Schaube concentrated in his research on the Genoese annals but only rarely mentioned notarial evidence nor did he examined the implications of trade relations on the relationship between Genoa and Egypt. In 1204, the annals mention the return of two consuls from Alexandria, Ogerio de Insulis and Belmosto Lercario junior, as well as two other consuls, Lamberto Fornario and Belmosto Lercario the elder. The latter two were mentioned in Chapter Two as the consuls who, in 1203, 326 David Jacoby, `Les Italiens en Egypte', pp. 84-5. On Pisans concessions in Egypt see also Schaube, Handelsgeschichte, pp. 179-180, and Allmendinger, Die Beziehungen, pp. 84-6. 327 Ibid, p. 79. 328 On the treaties with Venice see 7Th, vol. 2, docs. 188,338,485; David Jacoby, `The Supply of War Materials', p. 105. 329 Jacoby, `The Supply of War Materials', p. 114. 330 Jacoby, `Les Italiens en Egypte' pp. 82-3. 331 Schaube, Handelsgeschichte, p. 180. 97

eceived concessions in Tripoli and Antioch in the name of the commune of Genoa. 332 In 1205 and in 1208 the annals mention the mission of Guglielmo Spinola to Egypt, but once more there is no reference to the terms of the agreements reached in the meetings with the sultan. From the notarial contracts it is possible to discern that the consuls sent to Alexandria were sent for a relatively short mission. They did not leave Genoa until the autumn of 1203 and returned one year later. Ogerio de Insulis made several commercial contracts in September 1203 and registered a commenda contract for £225 that he took with him to Egypt. 333 The cartularies from that year contain no contracts that were registered by Ogerio's partner - Belmosto Lercario junior. However, it is known that the venture in 1203 was not Belmosto's first visit to Alexandria. Two years previously, in 1201, he was given £100 by Sibilia Embriaco, the wife of Guglielmo Embriaco maior, to trade with in Alexandria. 334 The members of the Lercario family were not regular clients of any of the notaries whose cartularies remain in the archives of Genoa today. This is especially unfortunate, because both father and son were sent simultaneously in 1203 on two major diplomatic missions which affected Genoa's foreign affairs and global trade. The important role of Belmosto Lercario the elder, in particular, will be discussed in detail in the discussion of the Genoese communities and self-government in the kingdom of Jerusalem. 335 It is only possible to imagine the nature of the truces that were signed with the Egyptian sultan. The first concession must have been granted to Genoa before 1200 because in August 1200 Genoa is known to have possessed a fondaco and an oven in Alexandria. Like bath-houses and churches, fondachi and ovens were features which a community could only possess with special permission from the local authority. A notarial contract in the unpublished cartulary of Oberto Scriba from 1200 mentions such Genoese possessions in Alexandria. This contract was signed in Genoa between a baker named Giovanni and his apprentice Zorzio de Castello. Zorzio promised to join his master for two years in Alexandria ad servicium furni cfe fundico Ianuensis. 336 The fact that such contract is found in the cartularies implies that despite the strange disappearance of the Egyptian privileges from Genoa's archives, it is possible to conclude that the Genoese preceded their Italian rivals in obtaining concessions in Alexandria. As was already demonstrated, there is evidence of Genoese traffic to Alexandria in the cartularies from 1192. A large number of contracts concerning Levantine trade remain in the cartularies of Oberto de 332 Ann. Ian., vol. 2, p. 92. Note that the Annals mentioned the four as consuls returning from Alexandria, but this is clearly a mistake. See also note I in the margins of that page in the annals. For an edition of the charter from 1203 see Reinhold Röhricht, 'Amalrich I., König von Jerusalem (1162-1174)', Mitteilungen des Instituts fur Österreichische Geschichtsforschung (Innsbruck, 1891), p. 489. See more about this charter in Chapter Five. 333 GG, 691-2, from 21 September 1203. 334 Guglielmo di Sori, MS 102, p. 206, R3. 335 See Chapter Five. 3360S9 1200, cart 4, pp. 239 V6-240 R1; on this case see also Jacoby, `les Italiens en Egypte', p. 81. 98

also appointed a consul orfundacarius to lead <strong>the</strong> Pisan community in Alex<strong>and</strong>ria. 326 Both <strong>the</strong><br />

Pisan <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Venetians had citizens in residence in Alex<strong>and</strong>ria between 1215 <strong>and</strong> 1245.327 <strong>The</strong><br />

evolution of Venice's power in Alex<strong>and</strong>ria is followed in details in Jacoby's article throughout<br />

<strong>the</strong> first half of <strong>the</strong> thirteenth century. This is made possible due to a series of concessions which<br />

were granted by <strong>the</strong> sultan, which remain in <strong>the</strong> Venetian archives. <strong>The</strong> first privilege was granted<br />

in 1208 <strong>and</strong> it was followed by o<strong>the</strong>rs 328 By <strong>the</strong> middle of <strong>the</strong> century, <strong>the</strong> Venetians had two<br />

fondachi, a church which was dedic<strong>at</strong>ed to St Michael as well as a b<strong>at</strong>h-house. From l<strong>at</strong>er tre<strong>at</strong>ies<br />

Jacoby inferred th<strong>at</strong> from 1208 <strong>the</strong> Venetians were allowed to sell merch<strong>and</strong>ise everywhere in<br />

Alex<strong>and</strong>ria <strong>and</strong> not just <strong>the</strong> harbour area. 329 Like <strong>the</strong> Pisans, from 1208 <strong>the</strong> Venetians had a<br />

consul representing <strong>the</strong> commune, who also had prerog<strong>at</strong>ive over <strong>the</strong> Venetian merchants <strong>and</strong><br />

residents. When conflicts occurred among <strong>the</strong> Venetians or with o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>L<strong>at</strong>in</strong> residents, <strong>the</strong> consul<br />

applied <strong>the</strong> Venetian legal system 330<br />

<strong>The</strong> discussion of <strong>the</strong> rel<strong>at</strong>ionship between Genoa <strong>and</strong> Egypt is especially interesting due<br />

to <strong>the</strong> variety of sources available for <strong>the</strong> analysis. It was already demonstr<strong>at</strong>ed th<strong>at</strong> one of <strong>the</strong><br />

major consequences of <strong>the</strong> Fourth Crusade was Genoa's search for new markets as an altern<strong>at</strong>ive<br />

to Constantinople. Aleppo was a recent addition to <strong>the</strong>ir commercial web, but trade with<br />

Alex<strong>and</strong>ria had gained prominence. Unfortun<strong>at</strong>ely, none of <strong>the</strong> privileges which were granted to<br />

<strong>the</strong> <strong>Genoese</strong> in Alex<strong>and</strong>ria can be traced in <strong>the</strong> archives of Genoa. This is an extraordinary <strong>and</strong><br />

ra<strong>the</strong>r confusing situ<strong>at</strong>ion because <strong>the</strong> annals from <strong>the</strong> beginning of <strong>the</strong> thirteenth century mention<br />

several diplom<strong>at</strong>ic missions of prominent personnel to Alex<strong>and</strong>ria, <strong>and</strong> many such concessions<br />

have remained in <strong>the</strong> rival Italian cities of Pisa <strong>and</strong> Venice. Interestingly, despite this gap in <strong>the</strong><br />

<strong>Genoese</strong> sources Adolf Schaube wrote th<strong>at</strong> `fir den genuesisch-ägyptischen Il<strong>and</strong>elsverkehr<br />

haben wir eine ziemlich große Anzahl einzelner Nachrichten, die seine rasche Wiederaufnahme<br />

<strong>and</strong> ungeschwächte Fortdauer beweisen. 9331 Schaube concentr<strong>at</strong>ed in his research on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Genoese</strong><br />

annals but only rarely mentioned notarial evidence nor did he examined <strong>the</strong> implic<strong>at</strong>ions of trade<br />

rel<strong>at</strong>ions on <strong>the</strong> rel<strong>at</strong>ionship between Genoa <strong>and</strong> Egypt.<br />

In 1204, <strong>the</strong> annals mention <strong>the</strong> return of two consuls from Alex<strong>and</strong>ria, Ogerio de Insulis<br />

<strong>and</strong> Belmosto Lercario junior, as well as two o<strong>the</strong>r consuls, Lamberto Fornario <strong>and</strong> Belmosto<br />

Lercario <strong>the</strong> elder. <strong>The</strong> l<strong>at</strong>ter two were mentioned in Chapter Two as <strong>the</strong> consuls who, in 1203,<br />

326 David Jacoby, `Les Italiens en Egypte', pp. 84-5. On Pisans concessions in Egypt see also Schaube,<br />

H<strong>and</strong>elsgeschichte, pp. 179-180, <strong>and</strong> Allmendinger, Die Beziehungen, pp. 84-6.<br />

327 Ibid, p. 79.<br />

328 On <strong>the</strong> tre<strong>at</strong>ies with Venice see 7Th, vol. 2, docs. 188,338,485; David Jacoby, `<strong>The</strong> Supply of War<br />

M<strong>at</strong>erials', p. 105.<br />

329<br />

Jacoby, `<strong>The</strong> Supply of War M<strong>at</strong>erials', p. 114.<br />

330<br />

Jacoby, `Les Italiens en Egypte' pp. 82-3.<br />

331<br />

Schaube, H<strong>and</strong>elsgeschichte, p. 180.<br />

97

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