The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...
The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ... The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...
The pope also renewed the general embargo on trade in war materials with the enemy. In a recent paper on the supply of war materials to Egypt David Jacoby argued that in the late twelfth and during the thirteenth centuries the Egyptians were dependent on the western supply of war materials, because of the European hegemony of shipping in the Mediterranean Sea. 316 Under the threat of excommunication, Innocent banned in 1215 the selling of arms, war materials and ships to the Saracens. Innocent, therefore, made a very clear distinction between the general trade with the Saracens, which was only boycotted for the immediate period of the crusade, and the embargo on arms, which was comprehensive and already issued by the papacy in 1162,1179 and 1195317 In Jacoby's words, innocent `issued once more the customary ban on the sale of war materials, adding a prohibition against delivering ships to the Muslims or assisting them in the construction of war engines. '318 Jacoby concluded his article by saying that `Christian merchants and ship operators were not willing to forgo this lucrative trade, even at the risk of having their goods occasionally seized or paying heavy fines when the traffic was banned by western or Frankish authorities. ' 319 how does this presentation of the commercial relationships correspond to the organisation of the Fifth Crusade? It is interesting to note that Abulafia and Cahen examined trade between Alexandria and the west in this period reached somewhat different conclusions. They based their study on Arabic sources and primarily on the fiscal treaties known as the Minhädj by al-Makhzümi: `Le Minhcidj d'al-Makhzümi, redige sous le regne de Saladin d'apres une documentation essentiellement fatimide, nous permet maintenant de mieux comprendre les renseignement epars dans les actes italiens qui commencent a la meme epoque ä se multiplier. '32Ö Abulafia showed that local production dominated in the list of exported articles in al-Makhzümi to the west: `flax and cotton were seen by the twelfth-century writer al-Makhzumi as prime exports of Egypt. '321 Moreover, Jacoby did not discuss the crusades and their commercial implications in his article, which was limited to Egypt and the supply of war materials. However, the arguments presented reveal that the role of Egypt in western trade was important and should be, therefore, examined in the particular circumstances that preceded the Fifth Crusade. The commercial relationship between the western powers and Alexandria had grown more intensive with the 316 David Jacoby, `The Supply of War Materials to Egypt in the Crusader Period', Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 25 (2001), p. 103.1 would like to thank Prof Jacoby for a copy of this article. 317 1bid, p. 109. 318 Ibid, p. 114. 3191bid, p. 129. 320 Claude Cahen, Orient et occident au temps des croisades (Paris, 1983), p. 134. The treaties were also analysed by Cahen in: `Douanes et commerce dans les ports mediterraneens de I'Egypte medievale d'apr8s le Minhadj d'AI-Mukhzumi', Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient 7 (1964), pp. 217-325. 321 David Abulafia, `Industrial Products: the Middle Ages', in Simonetta Cavaciocchi (ed. ), Prodotti e techniche d'Oltremare nelle economie europee, secc. XIII XVIll (Florence, 1998), p. 339. 95
peace truces after Hattin, and especially during the sultanate of al-`Adil. 322 It was argued that Italian merchants played simultaneous roles, taking part in the crusades on the Christian side, but on the other side of the lines they were also conducting commerce, negotiating ransom and supplying transportation for the released Christian captives. A close examination of the disposition of Alexandria in the commercial theatre between cast and west should therefore contribute to the understanding of the motivations and interests of both sides on the eve of the Fifth Crusade. Commerce and commercial relations with Alexandria The importance of Alexandria as a commercial centre between 1192 and 1217 is evident in many contemporary sources. It was already demonstrated that commerce had taken place during the years of war between 1187 and 1192, in Alexandria itself and possibly also in Acre during the short occupation of the seaport town by Saladin. 323 Indeed, the attempt of some merchants to ransom Christians, who were held in Egyptian captivity, implies that the channels of communication and commerce were not completely shut even before the official peace truce was agreed upon. In 1192, however, commerce was officially acknowledged when merchants registered acts that involved sailing to Egypt even before the truce was concluded. Significant changes in the commercial activities between Egypt and the west had taken place several years later, and mainly after the beginning of the new century. In an article on the Italians in Egypt in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries David Jacoby listed the privileges granted to the three maritime cities324. Jacoby also compared the position of the various Italian cities in Alexandria and between the possessions that each commune had gained in Egypt during this period. Interestingly, the impression from the records listed is that at the time of the sultanate of al-'Adil I (1199-1218) the opportunities for commerce were significantly extended. Jacoby showed how Pisa established a commercial community in Alexandria at the beginning of the thirteenth century. In 1207, an ambassador was sent to al-Malik al-`Adil. The envoy was instructed, however, `not to promise deliveries of timber, iron, pitch or arms to Egypt. ' But later privileges `imply the continuation of that traffic. '325 Within a short period of time, between February 1207 and May 1208, the Pisans obtained a fondaco, a church and a bath house. They 322 On commercial relations with Egypt in this period see Schaube, Iandelsgeschichte, pp. 178-190. 323 Regni iherosolymitani brevis historia, in Ann. Ian., vol. 1, p. 145. See also the discussion in Chapter One of the commercial implications of Conrad's agreement with Saladin. 324 David Jacoby, `Les Italiens en Egypte aux Xlle et XIlle siPcles: du comptoir A la colonie? ', in Michel Balard and Alain Ducellier (eds. ), Coloniser au Afoyen Age (Paris, 1995), 76-107.1 would like to thank Prof. Jacoby for a copy of this article. 325 Michele Amari (ed. ), I diplomi arabi del Reale archivio fiorenlino (Florence, 1863), pp. 281,286. See also Jacoby, `The Supply of War Materials', p. 107. 96
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<strong>The</strong> pope also renewed <strong>the</strong> general embargo on trade in war m<strong>at</strong>erials with <strong>the</strong> enemy. In<br />
a recent paper on <strong>the</strong> supply of war m<strong>at</strong>erials to Egypt David Jacoby argued th<strong>at</strong> in <strong>the</strong> l<strong>at</strong>e<br />
twelfth <strong>and</strong> during <strong>the</strong> thirteenth centuries <strong>the</strong> Egyptians were dependent on <strong>the</strong> western supply of<br />
war m<strong>at</strong>erials, because of <strong>the</strong> European hegemony of shipping in <strong>the</strong> Mediterranean Sea. 316 Under<br />
<strong>the</strong> thre<strong>at</strong> of excommunic<strong>at</strong>ion, Innocent banned in 1215 <strong>the</strong> selling of arms, war m<strong>at</strong>erials <strong>and</strong><br />
ships to <strong>the</strong> Saracens. Innocent, <strong>the</strong>refore, made a very clear distinction between <strong>the</strong> general trade<br />
with <strong>the</strong> Saracens, which was only boycotted for <strong>the</strong> immedi<strong>at</strong>e period of <strong>the</strong> crusade, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
embargo on arms, which was comprehensive <strong>and</strong> already issued by <strong>the</strong> papacy in 1162,1179 <strong>and</strong><br />
1195317 In Jacoby's words, innocent `issued once more <strong>the</strong> customary ban on <strong>the</strong> sale of war<br />
m<strong>at</strong>erials, adding a prohibition against delivering ships to <strong>the</strong> Muslims or assisting <strong>the</strong>m in <strong>the</strong><br />
construction of war engines. '318 Jacoby concluded his article by saying th<strong>at</strong> `Christian merchants<br />
<strong>and</strong> ship oper<strong>at</strong>ors were not willing to forgo this lucr<strong>at</strong>ive trade, even <strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> risk of having <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
goods occasionally seized or paying heavy fines when <strong>the</strong> traffic was banned by western or<br />
Frankish authorities. ' 319<br />
how does this present<strong>at</strong>ion of <strong>the</strong> commercial rel<strong>at</strong>ionships correspond to<br />
<strong>the</strong> organis<strong>at</strong>ion of <strong>the</strong> Fifth Crusade?<br />
It is interesting to note th<strong>at</strong> Abulafia <strong>and</strong> Cahen examined trade between Alex<strong>and</strong>ria <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> west in this period reached somewh<strong>at</strong> different conclusions. <strong>The</strong>y based <strong>the</strong>ir study on Arabic<br />
sources <strong>and</strong> primarily on <strong>the</strong> fiscal tre<strong>at</strong>ies known as <strong>the</strong> Minhädj by al-Makhzümi: `Le Minhcidj<br />
d'al-Makhzümi, redige sous le regne de Saladin d'apres une document<strong>at</strong>ion essentiellement<br />
f<strong>at</strong>imide, nous permet maintenant de mieux comprendre les renseignement epars dans les actes<br />
italiens qui commencent a la meme epoque ä se multiplier. '32Ö Abulafia showed th<strong>at</strong> local<br />
production domin<strong>at</strong>ed in <strong>the</strong> list of exported articles in al-Makhzümi to <strong>the</strong> west: `flax <strong>and</strong> cotton<br />
were seen by <strong>the</strong> twelfth-century writer al-Makhzumi as prime exports of<br />
Egypt. '321<br />
Moreover, Jacoby did not discuss <strong>the</strong> crusades <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir commercial implic<strong>at</strong>ions in his<br />
article, which was limited to Egypt <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> supply of war m<strong>at</strong>erials. However, <strong>the</strong> arguments<br />
presented reveal th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> role of Egypt in western trade was important <strong>and</strong> should be, <strong>the</strong>refore,<br />
examined in <strong>the</strong> particular circumstances th<strong>at</strong> preceded <strong>the</strong> Fifth Crusade. <strong>The</strong> commercial<br />
rel<strong>at</strong>ionship between <strong>the</strong> western powers <strong>and</strong> Alex<strong>and</strong>ria had grown more intensive with <strong>the</strong><br />
316 David Jacoby, `<strong>The</strong> Supply of War M<strong>at</strong>erials to Egypt in <strong>the</strong> Crusader Period', Jerusalem Studies in<br />
Arabic <strong>and</strong> Islam 25 (2001), p. 103.1 would like to thank Prof Jacoby for a copy of this article.<br />
317<br />
1bid, p. 109.<br />
318<br />
Ibid, p. 114.<br />
3191bid, p. 129.<br />
320 Claude Cahen, Orient et occident au temps des croisades (Paris, 1983), p. 134. <strong>The</strong> tre<strong>at</strong>ies were also<br />
analysed by Cahen in: `Douanes et commerce dans les ports mediterraneens de I'Egypte medievale d'apr8s<br />
le Minhadj d'AI-Mukhzumi', Journal of Economic <strong>and</strong> Social History of <strong>the</strong> Orient 7 (1964), pp. 217-325.<br />
321 David Abulafia, `Industrial Products: <strong>the</strong> Middle Ages', in Simonetta Cavaciocchi (ed. ), Prodotti e<br />
techniche d'Oltremare nelle economie europee, secc. XIII XVIll (Florence, 1998), p. 339.<br />
95