The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...
The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ... The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...
until the end of June 1217. This official peace truce meant that there was no reason not to allow commerce to continue as usual for a period of another four years. The reflection of these debates in Ad liberandam shows that this is not just an academic exercise or a speculation in hindsight. There were indeed some real problems involved in the preparation for the crusade in that sense. The first and perhaps crucial point was the timetable of the crusade, including the official beginning of the crusade and its length. In James Powell words, `Innocent had a fairly definite idea about the timetable to be followed. '303 This was true when Quia maior was composed and is certainly the first impression from Ad liberandam. In the opening paragraph of Ad liberandam, 01 June 1217 was declared as the embarkation date for which the `crucesignali se praeparent. ' This timetable corresponded to the expiration date of the pact with Egypt 304 According to the pope's plan, the crusade was to last three years. This can be inferred from Quid maior, where Innocent demanded that the wealthy personnel of Europe and its cities should sponsor knights for this length of time, `competentem conferant numerum bellatorum cum expensis ad triennium necessariis secundum proprias facultates' [my emphasis]. 30' The distribution of indulgences was also limited to three years period. 306 An exception to this time plan was a prohibition on commerce with the enemy, which was scheduled for four years and presumably started one year before embarkation on the crusade: Prohibemus insuper omnibus christianis, et sub anathemate interdicimus, ne in terras Saracenorum, qui partes orientales inhabitant, usque ad quadriennium transmittant, aut transvehant naves suas [my emphasis]307 An announcement of pax generaliter that applied to alI populi Christiani was also fixed for four 308 year. These resolutions had affected two of Genoa's main engagements in the sphere of its international affairs on the eve of the Fifth Crusade. First, Genoa's relationship with its Italian rivals and especially with Pisa after decades of continuing war, and second, Genoese trade with Egypt which was flourishing until then. From the Genoese perspective the factor of international relations and especially the question of hegemony over trading centres were of particular importance in this period. From the beginning of the century Genoa's international relations had been through very rapid changes, the war with Pisa had been going on for nearly two decades, and the conquest of Constantinople affected Genoese trade throughout Romania and consequently contributed to the growing tension 303James Powell, Anatomy of a Crusade, p. 28. 304 Alberigo et al. (eds. ), Conciliorum oecumenicorum decrela, p. 243. 305 Quia maior, p. 93 and Ad liberandam, in Alberigo, Conciliorum, p. 244,16-18. 306 Ad liberandam, p. 243,38-40. 307 Ad liberandam, p. 246,15-18. 308 Ad liberandam, p. 246,24-29. 93
with Venice. 309 This eventually ended in a major conflict between Genoa and Venice, a conflict that involved maritime as well as land battles, acts of piracy but also quiet acts of diplomacy in an attempt to gain access to new markets or the expansion of privileges in various states in the eastern Mediterranean. Under papal pressure, a truce was signed in 1212 between Genoa and the cities of Pisa and Venice. The implementation of these truces was not immediate, because the tension was great after long period of enmity. For example, Venice had to settle its problems with the pirates I lenry of Malta and the count of Syracuse. For many decades piracy was spreading in the Mediterranean. Shortly after the Third Crusade Genoa sent one of its leading politicians, Guido Spinola, to Constantinople to defuse some of the tension caused as a result of pirate activity when Saladin's presents to the Emperor Isaac li Angelos were stolen. 310 In 1205, Henry of Malta and Alamanno de Costa were acting openly against Venice, with the full support of Genoa. Indeed, at that time they were considered citizens of Genoa and even diplomats. Chapter Two demonstrated that Henry of Malta concluded agreements with the count of Tripoli in the name of the commune of Genoa 311 Therefore, it is not surprising that in 1212 Genoa had to send special legates to mediate between these counts and pirates and the representatives of Venice. 312 Moreover, local wars with Pisa, even though on smaller scale than before, continued, according to the Genoese annals, in 1213 and 1214.3 13 Interestingly, the cartularies from 1213 and 1214 show that as a result of the truce, commerce was quickly resumed between Genoa and Pisa, despite having been through such a long period of bitter wars. In 1216, the cartulary of Lanfranco reveals that the Ligurian and Tyrrhenian seas had nonetheless remained danger zones. In a contract from 13 August 1216, Ansaldo de Mari permitted his travelling partner to send goods from Messina in a ship or `in galea armata. '314 Even more explicit are the terms in a maritime insurance contract from 06 December 1216 in which the insurance covered omnibus periculis... excepto a periculo marls et hominum de Pisi 31 s s. [my emphasis] 309 On the impact of the crusade, see also Schaube, Handelsgeschichte, p. 169f. On Pisa, the papacy and trade with Egypt see also Allmendinger, Die Beziehungen, pp. 62-3. 310 Trattati, p. 37 no. 161; CDG, vol. 3, pp. 50-78. On the relationship between Saladin and the Emperor Isaac 11 Angelos, see Charles M. Brand, `The Byzantines and Saladin, 1185-1192: Opponents of the Third Crusade', Speculum 37: 2 (April, 1962), pp. 167-181. 311 Ann. Ian., vol. 2, p. 99 and I Libri lurium, vol. 1/2, no. 345. See more about the story of the count of Malta in Tripoli in Chapter Two. On Henry's activities and career see David Abulafia, `Flenry Count of Malta and his Mediterranean Activities: 1203-1230', in Anthony T. Luttrell (ed. ), Medieval Malta: Studies on Malta before the Knights (London, 1975), pp. 104-125. 312 Ann. Ian., vol. 2, pp 125-126. 313 Ann. Ian., vol. 2, pp. 126,132. 314 Lanfranco, 1216, no. 1065. 315 Lanfranco, 1216, no. 1306. 94
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until <strong>the</strong> end of June 1217. This official peace truce meant th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong>re was no reason not to allow<br />
commerce to continue as usual for a period of ano<strong>the</strong>r four years.<br />
<strong>The</strong> reflection of <strong>the</strong>se deb<strong>at</strong>es in Ad liber<strong>and</strong>am shows th<strong>at</strong> this is not just an academic<br />
exercise or a specul<strong>at</strong>ion in hindsight. <strong>The</strong>re were indeed some real problems involved in <strong>the</strong><br />
prepar<strong>at</strong>ion for <strong>the</strong> crusade in th<strong>at</strong> sense. <strong>The</strong> first <strong>and</strong> perhaps crucial point was <strong>the</strong> timetable of<br />
<strong>the</strong> crusade, including <strong>the</strong> official beginning of <strong>the</strong> crusade <strong>and</strong> its length. In James Powell words,<br />
`Innocent had a fairly definite idea about <strong>the</strong> timetable to be followed. '303 This was true when<br />
Quia maior was composed <strong>and</strong> is certainly <strong>the</strong> first impression from Ad liber<strong>and</strong>am. In <strong>the</strong><br />
opening paragraph of Ad liber<strong>and</strong>am, 01 June 1217 was declared as <strong>the</strong> embark<strong>at</strong>ion<br />
d<strong>at</strong>e for<br />
which <strong>the</strong> `crucesignali se praeparent. ' This timetable corresponded to <strong>the</strong> expir<strong>at</strong>ion d<strong>at</strong>e of <strong>the</strong><br />
pact with Egypt 304<br />
According to <strong>the</strong> pope's plan, <strong>the</strong> crusade was to last three years. This can be inferred<br />
from Quid maior, where Innocent dem<strong>and</strong>ed th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> wealthy personnel of Europe <strong>and</strong> its cities<br />
should sponsor knights for this length of time, `competentem conferant numerum bell<strong>at</strong>orum<br />
cum expensis ad triennium necessariis secundum proprias facult<strong>at</strong>es' [my emphasis]. 30' <strong>The</strong><br />
distribution of indulgences was also limited to three years period. 306 An exception to this time<br />
plan was a prohibition on commerce with <strong>the</strong> enemy, which was scheduled for four years <strong>and</strong><br />
presumably started one year before embark<strong>at</strong>ion on <strong>the</strong> crusade:<br />
Prohibemus insuper omnibus christianis, et sub ana<strong>the</strong>m<strong>at</strong>e interdicimus, ne in terras<br />
Saracenorum, qui partes orientales inhabitant, usque ad quadriennium transmittant, aut<br />
transvehant naves suas [my emphasis]307<br />
An announcement of pax generaliter th<strong>at</strong> applied to alI populi Christiani was also fixed<br />
for four 308<br />
year. <strong>The</strong>se resolutions had affected two of Genoa's main engagements in <strong>the</strong> sphere<br />
of its intern<strong>at</strong>ional affairs on <strong>the</strong> eve of <strong>the</strong> Fifth Crusade. First, Genoa's rel<strong>at</strong>ionship with its<br />
Italian rivals <strong>and</strong> especially with Pisa after decades of continuing war, <strong>and</strong> second, <strong>Genoese</strong><br />
trade<br />
with Egypt which was flourishing until <strong>the</strong>n.<br />
From <strong>the</strong> <strong>Genoese</strong> perspective <strong>the</strong> factor of intern<strong>at</strong>ional rel<strong>at</strong>ions <strong>and</strong> especially <strong>the</strong><br />
question of hegemony over trading centres were of particular importance in this period. From <strong>the</strong><br />
beginning of <strong>the</strong> century Genoa's intern<strong>at</strong>ional rel<strong>at</strong>ions had been through very rapid changes, <strong>the</strong><br />
war with Pisa had been going on for nearly two decades, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> conquest of Constantinople<br />
affected <strong>Genoese</strong><br />
trade throughout Romania <strong>and</strong> consequently contributed to <strong>the</strong> growing tension<br />
303James Powell, An<strong>at</strong>omy of a Crusade, p. 28.<br />
304 Alberigo et al. (eds. ), Conciliorum oecumenicorum decrela, p. 243.<br />
305 Quia maior, p. 93 <strong>and</strong> Ad liber<strong>and</strong>am, in Alberigo, Conciliorum, p. 244,16-18.<br />
306 Ad liber<strong>and</strong>am, p. 243,38-40.<br />
307<br />
Ad liber<strong>and</strong>am, p. 246,15-18.<br />
308<br />
Ad liber<strong>and</strong>am, p. 246,24-29.<br />
93