The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...

The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ... The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...

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fare bottino. '293 Cipollone demonstrated that such hostile activities were documented in the chronicle of Abü Säma. Indeed, in 1198 Abü Säma mentioned an attack of an Egyptian fleet in Cilicia in which the Egyptians captured 550 people. Later, in 1203, there was a Frankish attack along the Nile in which the Franks seized much booty. More encounters occurred in Ilims in 1206 and in the territory of Acre in 12 10.294 The Ayyubid chronicle mentioned many Latin prisoners taken by al-Malik in 1207 in the region of Tripoli, as well as the plunder and the considerable booty obtained. 295 These incidental figures of captives taken during the years of peace truces, however, do not add up to thousands of captives or anything similar to the grave results of the war experience in 1187. According to the Muslim chronicler 'Imäd ad-Din in flattin and Jerusalem alone Saladin's troops captured tens of thousands of Christians. Some captives were exchanged, according to 'Imdd ad-Din, already in 1187: `in that year more than twenty thousand captives were released, whereas one hundred thousand non-believers fell into our hands. '296 flow many people were still in captivity in 1213 and 1215? There is no clear answer to this question. In a recent study on Innocent III and the attitude to captives, Brenda Bolton argued that Christian captives were held in Egypt for decades. Bolton reached this conclusion on the basis of Innocent III's correspondence from 1212. In his letter to Albert the patriarch of Jerusalem Innocent expressed his concern about the spiritual state of the captives on account of the length of time they spent in prison: 'ne propter acerbitatem poenaruin quas longo tempore stint perpessi apostatare cogantur, '297 Consequently, Bolton suggested that `some had been held for at least twenty years. '298 According to the evidence provided, Bolton's argument does not seem plausible. All that is known for sure is that twenty thousands Christians were already exchanged in 1187; those who made special arrangement with Saladin left Alexandria in March 1188. But there is no way to determine how many more captives were released when the first peace truce was signed in 1192. It is not impossible that in the negotiations in the following years, presumably before the signing of each of the three truces, many other captives regained their freedom. 293 Cipollone, Cristianitä Islam - callivitä e liberazione in nome di Dio, p. 326. 2941bid, pp. 326-27. 295 Al-Makin ibn Al-`Amid, Chronique des Ayyoubides (602-658 / 1205-6-1259-60), trans. Anne-Marcie Edde and Francoise Micheau (Paris, 1994), p. 17: 11 devasta beaucoup de lerritoires francs, pitta tua, fit des prlsonniers, et les musulmans prirent aux Francs un butin considerable' 466 Cette annee lä, it delivra plus de vingi mille captifs, Landis que cent mille mecreanls tomberent entre nos mains', ' Imad ad-Din al-Isfahani, Al-Fath al-quc, si fi l fa1/ial-quds i, trans. 11. Masse, in Documents relatifs ä 1'histoire des Croisades, vol. 10, p. 38. See also Friedman, p. 86; Cipollone, pp. 327. 297 PL 216, no. 147, pp. 508A 29s Brenda Bolton, `Perhaps You Do Not Know? Innocent III's Approach to the Release of Captives', in Giulio Cipollone (ed. ), La liberazione dei 'captivi'tra Cristianitä e Islam: Oltre la crociata e it Oihäd. - Tolleranza e servizio umanitario (Vatican City, 2000), p. 460. 91

Pope Innocent III and the maritime communities: Innocent III was concerned with the possibility that the trading communities might not fully cooperate with the crusade's leaders. As late as the autumn of 1216 the Genoese had not yet taken the cross. James Powell explains this in the light of the war between Genoa and Pisa: `despite the success of this preaching [of James of Vitry]... the Genoese were not yet ready to commit a formal contingent to the crusade.... ' 299 Powell, however, looked more into the high diplomacy of the maritime powers and general European affairs rather than the commercial considerations of the Italian cities. The pope's concern is evident already in the letter Quia major from 1213. It seems that Innocent's attitude was ambiguous. On the one hand, he was dependent on the Italians for the transportation of the crusade's armies; nonetheless, he was clearly concerned with their contradictory commercial interests. The section directed to the maritime cities in Quia major begins with a request for help: `A civitalibus vero marilimjs navale subsidium poslulamus. '300 This is followed by permission to the clerics to offer indulgences. However, the second time the maritime cities are mentioned is in a section that forbids piracy under the threat of excommunication. Finally, there is a warning not to sell arms to the Saracens, in which Innocent details exactly what he means by war materials: Innovamus preterea excommunicationis sententiam in Lateranensi concilio promulgatam adversus eos, qui Sarracenis arma, ferrum et lignamina deferunt galearum, quique in piraticis Sarracenorum navibus curam gubernationis exercent, eosque rerum suarum privatione multari et capientjum servos, si capti fuerint, fore censemus. i01 Exactly how worried Innocent was about the cooperation of the maritime cities can be seen in the following instruction, which applied especially to them, in which lie ordered additional preaching in the maritime cities: `precipientes, ut per omnes urbes marilimas diebus Dominicis et festivis hujusmodi sententia publice innovetur. '302 Many details were still missing in this letter. When were the merchants expected to stop their commerce with Egypt? In May 1213 the letters were sent around Europe. The preachers presumably followed their orders and read the instructions every Sunday and during the holidays. The regular preaching was probably supposed to encourage crusading enthusiasm, but also to scare the Italians from the consequences of disobedience. However, the pope said that the excommunication would be announced in the Lateran Council, which meant that the merchants had at least two more years before they had to worry about withholding their trade. Even more important was the fact the king of Jerusalem John of Brienne followed the pope's behest in 1212 and signed a four-year truce with Egypt to last 299 Powell, Anatomy of a Crusade, p. 68. 300 `Quia maior', p. 93. 301 `Quia maior', p. 95. 302 'Quia maior, p. 95. 92

fare bottino. '293 Cipollone demonstr<strong>at</strong>ed th<strong>at</strong> such hostile activities were documented in <strong>the</strong><br />

chronicle of Abü Säma. Indeed, in 1198 Abü Säma mentioned an <strong>at</strong>tack of an Egyptian fleet in<br />

Cilicia in which <strong>the</strong> Egyptians captured 550 people. L<strong>at</strong>er, in 1203, <strong>the</strong>re was a Frankish <strong>at</strong>tack<br />

along <strong>the</strong> Nile in which <strong>the</strong> Franks seized much booty. More encounters occurred in Ilims in<br />

1206 <strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> territory of Acre in 12 10.294 <strong>The</strong> Ayyubid chronicle mentioned many <strong>L<strong>at</strong>in</strong><br />

prisoners taken by al-Malik in 1207 in <strong>the</strong> region of Tripoli, as well as <strong>the</strong> plunder <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

considerable booty obtained. 295<br />

<strong>The</strong>se incidental figures of captives taken during <strong>the</strong> years of peace truces, however, do<br />

not add up to thous<strong>and</strong>s of captives or anything similar to <strong>the</strong> grave results of <strong>the</strong> war experience<br />

in 1187. According to <strong>the</strong> Muslim chronicler 'Imäd ad-Din in fl<strong>at</strong>tin <strong>and</strong> Jerusalem alone<br />

Saladin's troops captured tens of thous<strong>and</strong>s of Christians. Some captives were exchanged,<br />

according to 'Imdd ad-Din, already in 1187: `in th<strong>at</strong> year more than twenty thous<strong>and</strong> captives<br />

were released, whereas one hundred thous<strong>and</strong> non-believers fell into our h<strong>and</strong>s. '296 flow many<br />

people were still in captivity in 1213 <strong>and</strong> 1215? <strong>The</strong>re is no clear answer to this question. In a<br />

recent study on Innocent III <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>at</strong>titude to captives, Brenda Bolton argued th<strong>at</strong> Christian<br />

captives were held in Egypt for decades. Bolton reached this conclusion on <strong>the</strong> basis of Innocent<br />

III's correspondence from 1212. In his letter to Albert <strong>the</strong> p<strong>at</strong>riarch of Jerusalem Innocent<br />

expressed his concern about <strong>the</strong> spiritual st<strong>at</strong>e of <strong>the</strong> captives on account of <strong>the</strong> length of time<br />

<strong>the</strong>y spent in prison: 'ne propter acerbit<strong>at</strong>em poenaruin quas longo tempore stint perpessi<br />

apost<strong>at</strong>are cogantur, '297 Consequently, Bolton suggested th<strong>at</strong> `some had been held for <strong>at</strong> least<br />

twenty years. '298<br />

According to <strong>the</strong> evidence provided, Bolton's argument does not seem plausible. All th<strong>at</strong><br />

is known for sure is th<strong>at</strong> twenty thous<strong>and</strong>s Christians were already exchanged in 1187; those who<br />

made special arrangement with Saladin left Alex<strong>and</strong>ria in March 1188. But <strong>the</strong>re is no way to<br />

determine how many more captives were released when <strong>the</strong> first peace truce was signed in 1192.<br />

It is not impossible th<strong>at</strong> in <strong>the</strong> negoti<strong>at</strong>ions in <strong>the</strong> following years, presumably before <strong>the</strong> signing<br />

of each of <strong>the</strong> three truces, many o<strong>the</strong>r captives regained <strong>the</strong>ir freedom.<br />

293 Cipollone, Cristianitä Islam<br />

- callivitä e liberazione in nome di Dio, p. 326.<br />

2941bid,<br />

pp. 326-27.<br />

295 Al-Makin ibn Al-`Amid, Chronique des Ayyoubides (602-658 / 1205-6-1259-60), trans. Anne-Marcie<br />

Edde <strong>and</strong> Francoise Micheau (Paris, 1994), p. 17: 11 devasta beaucoup de lerritoires francs, pitta tua, fit des<br />

prlsonniers, et les musulmans prirent aux Francs un butin considerable'<br />

466 Cette annee lä, it delivra plus de vingi mille captifs, L<strong>and</strong>is que cent mille mecreanls tomberent entre<br />

nos mains', ' Imad ad-Din al-Isfahani, Al-F<strong>at</strong>h al-quc, si fi l fa1/ial-quds i, trans. 11. Masse, in Documents<br />

rel<strong>at</strong>ifs ä 1'histoire des Croisades, vol. 10, p. 38. See also Friedman, p. 86; Cipollone, pp. 327.<br />

297 PL 216, no. 147, pp. 508A<br />

29s Brenda Bolton, `Perhaps You Do Not Know? Innocent III's Approach to <strong>the</strong> Release of Captives', in<br />

Giulio Cipollone (ed. ), La liberazione dei 'captivi'tra Cristianitä e Islam: Oltre la croci<strong>at</strong>a e it Oihäd.<br />

-<br />

Tolleranza e servizio umanitario (V<strong>at</strong>ican City, 2000), p. 460.<br />

91

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