The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...
The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ... The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...
fare bottino. '293 Cipollone demonstrated that such hostile activities were documented in the chronicle of Abü Säma. Indeed, in 1198 Abü Säma mentioned an attack of an Egyptian fleet in Cilicia in which the Egyptians captured 550 people. Later, in 1203, there was a Frankish attack along the Nile in which the Franks seized much booty. More encounters occurred in Ilims in 1206 and in the territory of Acre in 12 10.294 The Ayyubid chronicle mentioned many Latin prisoners taken by al-Malik in 1207 in the region of Tripoli, as well as the plunder and the considerable booty obtained. 295 These incidental figures of captives taken during the years of peace truces, however, do not add up to thousands of captives or anything similar to the grave results of the war experience in 1187. According to the Muslim chronicler 'Imäd ad-Din in flattin and Jerusalem alone Saladin's troops captured tens of thousands of Christians. Some captives were exchanged, according to 'Imdd ad-Din, already in 1187: `in that year more than twenty thousand captives were released, whereas one hundred thousand non-believers fell into our hands. '296 flow many people were still in captivity in 1213 and 1215? There is no clear answer to this question. In a recent study on Innocent III and the attitude to captives, Brenda Bolton argued that Christian captives were held in Egypt for decades. Bolton reached this conclusion on the basis of Innocent III's correspondence from 1212. In his letter to Albert the patriarch of Jerusalem Innocent expressed his concern about the spiritual state of the captives on account of the length of time they spent in prison: 'ne propter acerbitatem poenaruin quas longo tempore stint perpessi apostatare cogantur, '297 Consequently, Bolton suggested that `some had been held for at least twenty years. '298 According to the evidence provided, Bolton's argument does not seem plausible. All that is known for sure is that twenty thousands Christians were already exchanged in 1187; those who made special arrangement with Saladin left Alexandria in March 1188. But there is no way to determine how many more captives were released when the first peace truce was signed in 1192. It is not impossible that in the negotiations in the following years, presumably before the signing of each of the three truces, many other captives regained their freedom. 293 Cipollone, Cristianitä Islam - callivitä e liberazione in nome di Dio, p. 326. 2941bid, pp. 326-27. 295 Al-Makin ibn Al-`Amid, Chronique des Ayyoubides (602-658 / 1205-6-1259-60), trans. Anne-Marcie Edde and Francoise Micheau (Paris, 1994), p. 17: 11 devasta beaucoup de lerritoires francs, pitta tua, fit des prlsonniers, et les musulmans prirent aux Francs un butin considerable' 466 Cette annee lä, it delivra plus de vingi mille captifs, Landis que cent mille mecreanls tomberent entre nos mains', ' Imad ad-Din al-Isfahani, Al-Fath al-quc, si fi l fa1/ial-quds i, trans. 11. Masse, in Documents relatifs ä 1'histoire des Croisades, vol. 10, p. 38. See also Friedman, p. 86; Cipollone, pp. 327. 297 PL 216, no. 147, pp. 508A 29s Brenda Bolton, `Perhaps You Do Not Know? Innocent III's Approach to the Release of Captives', in Giulio Cipollone (ed. ), La liberazione dei 'captivi'tra Cristianitä e Islam: Oltre la crociata e it Oihäd. - Tolleranza e servizio umanitario (Vatican City, 2000), p. 460. 91
Pope Innocent III and the maritime communities: Innocent III was concerned with the possibility that the trading communities might not fully cooperate with the crusade's leaders. As late as the autumn of 1216 the Genoese had not yet taken the cross. James Powell explains this in the light of the war between Genoa and Pisa: `despite the success of this preaching [of James of Vitry]... the Genoese were not yet ready to commit a formal contingent to the crusade.... ' 299 Powell, however, looked more into the high diplomacy of the maritime powers and general European affairs rather than the commercial considerations of the Italian cities. The pope's concern is evident already in the letter Quia major from 1213. It seems that Innocent's attitude was ambiguous. On the one hand, he was dependent on the Italians for the transportation of the crusade's armies; nonetheless, he was clearly concerned with their contradictory commercial interests. The section directed to the maritime cities in Quia major begins with a request for help: `A civitalibus vero marilimjs navale subsidium poslulamus. '300 This is followed by permission to the clerics to offer indulgences. However, the second time the maritime cities are mentioned is in a section that forbids piracy under the threat of excommunication. Finally, there is a warning not to sell arms to the Saracens, in which Innocent details exactly what he means by war materials: Innovamus preterea excommunicationis sententiam in Lateranensi concilio promulgatam adversus eos, qui Sarracenis arma, ferrum et lignamina deferunt galearum, quique in piraticis Sarracenorum navibus curam gubernationis exercent, eosque rerum suarum privatione multari et capientjum servos, si capti fuerint, fore censemus. i01 Exactly how worried Innocent was about the cooperation of the maritime cities can be seen in the following instruction, which applied especially to them, in which lie ordered additional preaching in the maritime cities: `precipientes, ut per omnes urbes marilimas diebus Dominicis et festivis hujusmodi sententia publice innovetur. '302 Many details were still missing in this letter. When were the merchants expected to stop their commerce with Egypt? In May 1213 the letters were sent around Europe. The preachers presumably followed their orders and read the instructions every Sunday and during the holidays. The regular preaching was probably supposed to encourage crusading enthusiasm, but also to scare the Italians from the consequences of disobedience. However, the pope said that the excommunication would be announced in the Lateran Council, which meant that the merchants had at least two more years before they had to worry about withholding their trade. Even more important was the fact the king of Jerusalem John of Brienne followed the pope's behest in 1212 and signed a four-year truce with Egypt to last 299 Powell, Anatomy of a Crusade, p. 68. 300 `Quia maior', p. 93. 301 `Quia maior', p. 95. 302 'Quia maior, p. 95. 92
- Page 41 and 42: wine exported to Bougie and sold fo
- Page 43 and 44: allowed to carry this money with hi
- Page 45 and 46: transition marked by the Third Crus
- Page 47 and 48: Fourth Crusade, there was an increa
- Page 49 and 50: 2 The impact of a crusade: the reac
- Page 51 and 52: enewal and extension of Barbarossa'
- Page 53 and 54: Oberto Malocello, and Heredes de Ma
- Page 55 and 56: would sail in custodiam navium and
- Page 57 and 58: The preparations for the Fourth Cru
- Page 59 and 60: perhaps he was more accurate than u
- Page 61 and 62: All the records that contain such r
- Page 63 and 64: esult of various reasons including
- Page 65 and 66: econfirmed. ' 87 The plan was there
- Page 67 and 68: Not all merchants detailed their pl
- Page 69 and 70: Figure 4: Map of the main trade and
- Page 71 and 72: is correct and the significance of
- Page 73 and 74: This paragraph is a conspicuous pre
- Page 75 and 76: east at the same time as Giovanni t
- Page 77 and 78: Abulafia wrote about Crete that `st
- Page 79 and 80: Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? I
- Page 81 and 82: Malta in Tripoli in great detail wi
- Page 83 and 84: 3 An unprovoked crusade? This chapt
- Page 85 and 86: success, especially with the women
- Page 87 and 88: Although Friedman did not explicitl
- Page 89 and 90: war business could have been for th
- Page 91: Or vos dirai que les Sarazins d'Ali
- Page 95 and 96: with Venice. 309 This eventually en
- Page 97 and 98: peace truces after Hattin, and espe
- Page 99 and 100: eceived concessions in Tripoli and
- Page 101 and 102: commerce in Bougie as well as Alexa
- Page 103 and 104: such specification was necessary. I
- Page 105 and 106: James's letters written to the pope
- Page 107 and 108: most of the ships that sailed in 12
- Page 109 and 110: The sum bequeathed was not related
- Page 111 and 112: 4 Embriaco or do Biblio, what's In
- Page 113 and 114: town may contribute to the understa
- Page 115 and 116: Les Genois transformerent vite ou l
- Page 117 and 118: ecause another branch of the family
- Page 119 and 120: high fee. For Antioch, Genoa reques
- Page 121 and 122: Unfortunately, Gibelet was not incl
- Page 123 and 124: comparative map presented by Elieze
- Page 125 and 126: `perhaps most notable for its hands
- Page 127 and 128: [my 444 emphasis] At first glance,
- Page 129 and 130: One practical implication of this c
- Page 131 and 132: There was some similarity between t
- Page 133 and 134: of James of Vitry there is a simila
- Page 135 and 136: On the following day, 12 March 1186
- Page 137 and 138: of Genoa turned their attention mor
- Page 139 and 140: epresentatives of the church of St
- Page 141 and 142: church of St Lawrence were on the l
fare bottino. '293 Cipollone demonstr<strong>at</strong>ed th<strong>at</strong> such hostile activities were documented in <strong>the</strong><br />
chronicle of Abü Säma. Indeed, in 1198 Abü Säma mentioned an <strong>at</strong>tack of an Egyptian fleet in<br />
Cilicia in which <strong>the</strong> Egyptians captured 550 people. L<strong>at</strong>er, in 1203, <strong>the</strong>re was a Frankish <strong>at</strong>tack<br />
along <strong>the</strong> Nile in which <strong>the</strong> Franks seized much booty. More encounters occurred in Ilims in<br />
1206 <strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> territory of Acre in 12 10.294 <strong>The</strong> Ayyubid chronicle mentioned many <strong>L<strong>at</strong>in</strong><br />
prisoners taken by al-Malik in 1207 in <strong>the</strong> region of Tripoli, as well as <strong>the</strong> plunder <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
considerable booty obtained. 295<br />
<strong>The</strong>se incidental figures of captives taken during <strong>the</strong> years of peace truces, however, do<br />
not add up to thous<strong>and</strong>s of captives or anything similar to <strong>the</strong> grave results of <strong>the</strong> war experience<br />
in 1187. According to <strong>the</strong> Muslim chronicler 'Imäd ad-Din in fl<strong>at</strong>tin <strong>and</strong> Jerusalem alone<br />
Saladin's troops captured tens of thous<strong>and</strong>s of Christians. Some captives were exchanged,<br />
according to 'Imdd ad-Din, already in 1187: `in th<strong>at</strong> year more than twenty thous<strong>and</strong> captives<br />
were released, whereas one hundred thous<strong>and</strong> non-believers fell into our h<strong>and</strong>s. '296 flow many<br />
people were still in captivity in 1213 <strong>and</strong> 1215? <strong>The</strong>re is no clear answer to this question. In a<br />
recent study on Innocent III <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>at</strong>titude to captives, Brenda Bolton argued th<strong>at</strong> Christian<br />
captives were held in Egypt for decades. Bolton reached this conclusion on <strong>the</strong> basis of Innocent<br />
III's correspondence from 1212. In his letter to Albert <strong>the</strong> p<strong>at</strong>riarch of Jerusalem Innocent<br />
expressed his concern about <strong>the</strong> spiritual st<strong>at</strong>e of <strong>the</strong> captives on account of <strong>the</strong> length of time<br />
<strong>the</strong>y spent in prison: 'ne propter acerbit<strong>at</strong>em poenaruin quas longo tempore stint perpessi<br />
apost<strong>at</strong>are cogantur, '297 Consequently, Bolton suggested th<strong>at</strong> `some had been held for <strong>at</strong> least<br />
twenty years. '298<br />
According to <strong>the</strong> evidence provided, Bolton's argument does not seem plausible. All th<strong>at</strong><br />
is known for sure is th<strong>at</strong> twenty thous<strong>and</strong>s Christians were already exchanged in 1187; those who<br />
made special arrangement with Saladin left Alex<strong>and</strong>ria in March 1188. But <strong>the</strong>re is no way to<br />
determine how many more captives were released when <strong>the</strong> first peace truce was signed in 1192.<br />
It is not impossible th<strong>at</strong> in <strong>the</strong> negoti<strong>at</strong>ions in <strong>the</strong> following years, presumably before <strong>the</strong> signing<br />
of each of <strong>the</strong> three truces, many o<strong>the</strong>r captives regained <strong>the</strong>ir freedom.<br />
293 Cipollone, Cristianitä Islam<br />
- callivitä e liberazione in nome di Dio, p. 326.<br />
2941bid,<br />
pp. 326-27.<br />
295 Al-Makin ibn Al-`Amid, Chronique des Ayyoubides (602-658 / 1205-6-1259-60), trans. Anne-Marcie<br />
Edde <strong>and</strong> Francoise Micheau (Paris, 1994), p. 17: 11 devasta beaucoup de lerritoires francs, pitta tua, fit des<br />
prlsonniers, et les musulmans prirent aux Francs un butin considerable'<br />
466 Cette annee lä, it delivra plus de vingi mille captifs, L<strong>and</strong>is que cent mille mecreanls tomberent entre<br />
nos mains', ' Imad ad-Din al-Isfahani, Al-F<strong>at</strong>h al-quc, si fi l fa1/ial-quds i, trans. 11. Masse, in Documents<br />
rel<strong>at</strong>ifs ä 1'histoire des Croisades, vol. 10, p. 38. See also Friedman, p. 86; Cipollone, pp. 327.<br />
297 PL 216, no. 147, pp. 508A<br />
29s Brenda Bolton, `Perhaps You Do Not Know? Innocent III's Approach to <strong>the</strong> Release of Captives', in<br />
Giulio Cipollone (ed. ), La liberazione dei 'captivi'tra Cristianitä e Islam: Oltre la croci<strong>at</strong>a e it Oihäd.<br />
-<br />
Tolleranza e servizio umanitario (V<strong>at</strong>ican City, 2000), p. 460.<br />
91