The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...
The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ... The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...
crusader politics before 1187, ' is one of Friedman's main arguments. 70 At the beginning of the thirteenth century a change had occurred in Europe's attitude towards captives. Friedman argued that this change was primarily a consequence of the battle of Hattin, `when many if not most of the nobles of the Latin Kingdom became captives, the public image of the captives changed . 9271 The change was to affect many features of everyday life in Europe, from political thought to patterns of charity and other forms of religious life. One of the most significant changes Friedman indicated is the change in liturgy. This was also a result of the fall of Jerusalem, `the Jerusalem liturgy containing prayers for peace, for the liberation of Jerusalem, and for the Christian captives detained in Saracen fetters were recited by order of the pope and the cardinals and reflect universal, not local liturgy. '272 Friedman demonstrated how important the role of Pope Innocent III in leading the change of attitude towards the captives was. In her words, Innocent `opened a campaign for a new crusade, and at the same time made strenuous efforts to redeem captives... Innocent not only encouraged ransom; he transformed the image of the captive... Innocent III described the captive as weak and suffering both physical and mental humiliation, but did not depict him as a failure or as connected with shame. '273 The captivity of King Richard I and his ransoming did not affect his image: `in the eyes of [his] contemporaries, Richard remained a lion-heart... '. The case of King Richard must have contributed to the changing image of captivity and captives. Friedman seems to ignore the fact that Richard's fortunate image was not shared by all of his contemporaries. For example, Guy of Lusignan, the king of Jerusalem, himself left a rather different image to posterity. 274 In a book on captivity in the Christian and Muslim worlds at the time of Innocent Ill, Giulio Cipollone showed in detail how acute was the issue of captivity to the pope: `Un profondo sentimento teologico della cattivitä cristiana e delta necessitä di redenzione e di liberazione illumina tutto il pontificato di Innocenzo III. ' Cipollone argued that Innocent was not concerned only with Christian captives in Muslim hands but also with those kept in Christian regimes such as Germany. 275 Two years before his letter to the captives in Alexandria Innocent wrote to console some captives in Morocco. 276 270 Yvonne Friedman, Encounter between Enemies: Captivity and Ransoming in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Leiden, 2002), p. 86. 271 Ibid, p. 236. 272 Ibid, p. 87. 273 Ibid, pp. 236-237. 274 In fact, Friedman vividly described King Guy's fear and humiliation when he was taken captive: `the helplessness of the vanquished king was even more humiliating than the other captives' fright'. Ibid, p. 124. 275 Giulio Cipollone, Cristianitä - Islam cattivitä e liberazione in nome di Dio: it tempo di Innocenzo III dopo 'il 1187' (Rome, 1992), pp. 351-52. 276 Ibid, p. 377. 85
Although Friedman did not explicitly say so, she seemed to have concentrated in her book on the period of the first kingdom of Jerusalem. This is perhaps why she did not pay more attention to Innocent's most important action with regard to captives, in the form of a crusade. Indeed, it can be argued that Innocent's ideas about captivity and ransom had more important and direct consequences than portrayed by Friedman. It was not merely an attempt to spread a new notion or to change the image of captivity. It was not even just an effort to encourage the ransom of captives as an act of charity; Innocent III sent the people of Europe on a crusade because of that issue. The captivity and servitude of Christians were a central reason behind the embarkation of the Fifth Crusade. The evidence of Innocent's approach is found in numerous documents. As early as the beginning of 1212 there is evidence of communication between Innocent and the Melkite patriarch of Alexandria, through whom Innocent also managed to establish direct correspondence with the captives in Alexandria. On 19 January 1212 Innocent wrote a letter which he addressed to `universes captivis in Alexandria et Babilonia. ' The letter begins with an acknowledgment of the reception of letters from the patriarch and the captives about their `doloribus plenas et miseriis cumulatas. ' Innocent's letter is the first sign of direct communication between the papacy and the captives. From the pope's reply, it was made clear that the captives' only hope at the beginning of 1212 was to gain their freedom through exchange with Muslim captives. The pope assured the captives that he instructed the Christian leaders in the east, including the Templars and the Hospitallers, to work for the goal of their liberation and not to hesitate to utilise for that purpose the Muslims they held in captivity277 On 26 April 1213, Innocent wrote to the Sultan al-'Adil Sayf ad-Din Abü Bakr. Ile presented his demands in a forthright manner: ... ne propter violentam detentionen: praefatae terrae plus adhuc effundatur humani sanguinis quam hactenus est effusum, saniori utens consilio restituas earn nobis, de cujus detentione, praeter inanem gloriam, forte plus tibi difficultatis quam utilitatis accrescit; ipsaque reddita, et dimissis utrinque captivis, quiescamus a mutuis impugnationum offensis; ita quod apud to non sit deterior conditio geniis nostrae quam apud nos esi conditio genus tuae (my emphasis). 78 The letter makes it clear that the liberation of the Holy Land and the Christian captives were for Innocent a casus belli. He preached this idea in western Europe and threatened the enemy in the east. Two issues spring to mind when reading these letters. The first issue concerns the captives themselves: How serious was the problem: how many Christians were in the Egyptian prisons? In other words, did this problem justify a call for a crusade? The other issue that requires some clarification is the relationship between east and west. Indeed such 277 PL 216, no. 148, p. 509. Cipollone, lbid, appendix 42, pp. 533-534. 278 PL, 216, no. 37, p. 832A 86
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crusader politics before 1187, ' is one of Friedman's main arguments. 70 At <strong>the</strong> beginning of <strong>the</strong><br />
thirteenth century a change had occurred in Europe's <strong>at</strong>titude towards captives. Friedman argued<br />
th<strong>at</strong> this change was primarily a consequence of <strong>the</strong> b<strong>at</strong>tle of H<strong>at</strong>tin, `when many if not most of<br />
<strong>the</strong> nobles of <strong>the</strong> <strong>L<strong>at</strong>in</strong> Kingdom became captives, <strong>the</strong> public image of <strong>the</strong> captives changed . 9271<br />
<strong>The</strong> change was to affect many fe<strong>at</strong>ures of everyday life in Europe, from political thought to<br />
p<strong>at</strong>terns of charity <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r forms of religious life. One of <strong>the</strong> most significant changes Friedman<br />
indic<strong>at</strong>ed is <strong>the</strong> change in liturgy. This was also a result of <strong>the</strong> fall of Jerusalem, `<strong>the</strong> Jerusalem<br />
liturgy containing prayers for peace, for <strong>the</strong> liber<strong>at</strong>ion of Jerusalem, <strong>and</strong> for <strong>the</strong> Christian captives<br />
detained in Saracen fetters were recited by order of <strong>the</strong> pope <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> cardinals <strong>and</strong> reflect<br />
universal, not local liturgy. '272<br />
Friedman demonstr<strong>at</strong>ed how important <strong>the</strong> role of Pope Innocent III in leading <strong>the</strong> change<br />
of <strong>at</strong>titude towards <strong>the</strong> captives was. In her words, Innocent `opened a campaign for a new<br />
crusade, <strong>and</strong> <strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> same time made strenuous efforts to redeem captives... Innocent not only<br />
encouraged ransom; he transformed <strong>the</strong> image of <strong>the</strong> captive... Innocent III described <strong>the</strong> captive<br />
as weak <strong>and</strong> suffering both physical <strong>and</strong> mental humili<strong>at</strong>ion, but did not depict him as a failure or<br />
as connected with shame. '273 <strong>The</strong> captivity of King Richard I <strong>and</strong> his ransoming did not affect his<br />
image: `in <strong>the</strong> eyes of [his] contemporaries, Richard remained a lion-heart... '. <strong>The</strong> case of King<br />
Richard must have contributed to <strong>the</strong> changing image of captivity <strong>and</strong> captives. Friedman seems<br />
to ignore <strong>the</strong> fact th<strong>at</strong> Richard's fortun<strong>at</strong>e image was not shared by all of his contemporaries. For<br />
example, Guy of Lusignan, <strong>the</strong> king of Jerusalem, himself left a ra<strong>the</strong>r different image to<br />
posterity. 274<br />
In a book on captivity in <strong>the</strong> Christian <strong>and</strong> Muslim worlds <strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> time of<br />
Innocent Ill,<br />
Giulio Cipollone showed in detail how acute was <strong>the</strong> issue of captivity to <strong>the</strong> pope: `Un profondo<br />
sentimento teologico della c<strong>at</strong>tivitä cristiana e delta necessitä di redenzione e<br />
di liberazione<br />
illumina tutto il pontific<strong>at</strong>o di Innocenzo III. ' Cipollone argued th<strong>at</strong> Innocent was not concerned<br />
only with Christian captives in Muslim h<strong>and</strong>s but also with those kept in Christian regimes such<br />
as Germany. 275 Two years before his letter to <strong>the</strong> captives in Alex<strong>and</strong>ria Innocent wrote to<br />
console some captives in Morocco.<br />
276<br />
270<br />
Yvonne Friedman, Encounter between Enemies: Captivity <strong>and</strong> Ransoming in <strong>the</strong> <strong>L<strong>at</strong>in</strong> Kingdom of<br />
Jerusalem (Leiden, 2002), p. 86.<br />
271<br />
Ibid, p. 236.<br />
272<br />
Ibid, p. 87.<br />
273<br />
Ibid, pp. 236-237.<br />
274<br />
In fact, Friedman vividly described King Guy's fear <strong>and</strong> humili<strong>at</strong>ion when he was taken captive: `<strong>the</strong><br />
helplessness<br />
of <strong>the</strong> vanquished king was even more humili<strong>at</strong>ing than <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r captives' fright'. Ibid, p.<br />
124.<br />
275<br />
Giulio Cipollone, Cristianitä - Islam c<strong>at</strong>tivitä e liberazione in nome di Dio: it tempo di Innocenzo III<br />
dopo 'il 1187' (Rome, 1992), pp. 351-52.<br />
276 Ibid, p. 377.<br />
85