The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...
The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ... The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...
was the admiral of the Sicilian fleet sent to the Latin East after Hattin: 'comme lui, c'etait un ancien pirate, qui operait des 1187 dans les eaux grecques. '243 In 1205, the tension between the Italian powers reached the Latin East too. It was rather an inevitable result of the conquest of Constantinople and the dangerous position in which it left the Genoese web of commerce in the Middle East. Genoa was looking for new markets, and its pirates sought revenge and quick gains. The annals treat Henry as member of Genoese society and as its hero. According to Ogerio Pane, Henry of Malta instructed his admirals to send several galleys to attack `our enemies' (inimicos nostros) the Venetians, off the shores of Greece. They managed to capture a loaded merchants' ship on its way from Alexandria to Constantinople. While escaping the revenge of the Venetians, the galleys sought refuge in the ports of the kingdom of Jerusalem 244 Upon their arrival at the ports of Tyre and Acre, they learnt that disembarking was impossible `pre - multitudine Venetorum in ipsis terris existentium minime potuerunt. '245 The ships thus sailed north, to Tripoli. The annals further describe how in Tripoli the ships faced a similar problem and were not admitted easily. This attitude made some `young Maltese' (iuuenes Maltenses) who were on the galleys and ships to act in 'ira valde' according to Ogerio Pane. The identity of these Maltese is not clear; were they native Maltese or Genoese living in Malta? They besieged Tripoli until Bohemond IV agreed to let them to disembark and signed a pact with them. Charles Dalli wrote about the incident in Tripoli. `A striking example of how this weapon could be turned in Genoa's favour was the career of Henry, Count of Malta, who used Malta as a base for an attempted Genoese conquest of Crete, as well as the expedition against Tripoli in Syria. '246 This view, however, might be a little distorted, a result of the fact that the main account of events is derived from the Genoese annals, which sided with Henry and often presented him as a hero. David Abulafia wrote that `this was the year of Henry's greatest successes. ' Abulafia further showed how Henry was praised by the troubadour Peire Vidal. 47 But the story of Henry of Malta in the Latin East may be read differently. It is rather odd that a Genoese vessel was refused entry to the harbours of the kingdom of Jerusalem or that Genoese merchants should have felt insecure harbouring there! Furthermore, in the light of the contract between Bohemond and the Genoese consuls in 1203, what was the reason not to let 243 Leon-Robert M6nager, Amiratus -Apripäs, L'emirat et les origines de 1'amiraute (XIe XIIIe siecles) (Paris, 1960), p. 111. Fotheringham referred to Margarit as `sea-robber'. His article also provides the history of piracy in the Mediterranean and its relation to the conflict in Constantinople. John Fotheringham, `Genoa and the Fourth Crusade', 27-32. 244 Ann. Ian., vol. 2, p. 99. 245 Ann. Ian., vol. 2, p. 99 246 Charles Dalli, Malta in the Regno, p. 31. 247 David Abulafia, `Henry Count of Malta', p. 113; Vincenzo de Bartholomaeis (ed. ), Poesie provenrali storiche relative all'Italia, (Rome, 1931), vol. 1, p. 118. 77
Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? Instead of enjoying commercial privileges, Henry of Malta eventually had to pay Bohemond. Moreover, Bohemond demanded that they supply him military aid. In exchange for their help Bohemond promised privileges. It is interesting that in the charter's description Henry of Malta was fully allied with Genoa. The privileges were granted to Henry, `per manus Albert! Galline et Armanni vicecomitis sui' and to the city of Genoa. 248 The privileges granted in Bohemond's charter are significant for several reasons. In the context of Genoa's reaction to the Fourth Crusade, this charter should be considered as part of a series of letters of concessions and further privileges that the Genoese requested and received in the northern parts of the crusader states. The first charter in Tripoli was granted in 1203, followed by another one in Tripoli and Antioch in 1205 249 A third charter regarding Antioch and St Simeon was granted in 1216250 Finally, in 1221 and 1223 the Genoese were granted rights and possessions also in Beirut 251 The 1205 charter was based on Bohemond's previous charter, from 1203. The two charters share many points, including occasional repetition of phrases. For example, both charters specify exactly who is entitled to them. The applied to omnibus Januensibus et Januensium filiis. The expansion of the receiving body to include Genoese descendants is an interesting mirror to the changes that occurred in Genoese society and what it had been through in that age of expansion. The definition was clearly made to include the Genoese outside Genoa, or Genoese descendants who were no longer inhabitants of the home-town. However, the documents explicitly excluded those Genoese who were inhabitants of the crusader states: `... exceptis burgensibus Januensibus regni Jerusalem vel comitatus Tripolis sive Cypri vel principalus Antiochie. '252 These Genoese, now citizens of the various crusader states, did not enjoy the right to use the new Genoese court in Tripoli or the commercial privileges Genoa was granted in Tripoli and Antioch. Several differences between the charters of Bohemond IV from December 1203 and July 1205 reveal further how important the northern states were for the merchants of Genoa. The commercial privilege from 1203 included: `libertatem in Tripoli de omnipeccunia sua vendendi emendi mittendi et traendi sine omni consuetudine et iure peccunie sue.... '253 The Genoese merchants faced two problems with this privilege. The most important problem was that it was confined to Tripoli. The Genoese merchants, however, wanted to get to Aleppo. The extension of 2481 Libri lurium, vol. 1/2, no. 345, p. 167. 249 Reinhold Röhricht `Amalrich I., König von Jerusalem (1162-1174), p. 489; I Libri lurium, vol. 1/2, numbers 345. 2501 Libri lurium, vol. 1/2, number 347. 25' Mid, vol. 1/2, numbers 349,350. 252 Ibid, vol. 112, no. 345. 253 Röhricht `Amalrich I., König von Jerusalem (1162-1174)', p. 489. 78
- Page 27 and 28: East, especially under Conrad of Mo
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Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? Instead of enjoying commercial privileges, Henry of Malta<br />
eventually had to pay Bohemond. Moreover, Bohemond dem<strong>and</strong>ed<br />
th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong>y supply him military<br />
aid. In exchange for <strong>the</strong>ir help Bohemond promised privileges. It is interesting th<strong>at</strong> in <strong>the</strong><br />
charter's description Henry of Malta was fully allied with Genoa. <strong>The</strong> privileges were granted to<br />
Henry, `per manus Albert! Galline et Armanni vicecomitis sui' <strong>and</strong> to <strong>the</strong> city of Genoa. 248<br />
<strong>The</strong> privileges granted in Bohemond's charter are significant for several reasons. In <strong>the</strong><br />
context of Genoa's reaction to <strong>the</strong> Fourth Crusade, this charter should be considered as part of a<br />
series of letters of concessions <strong>and</strong> fur<strong>the</strong>r privileges th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Genoese</strong> requested <strong>and</strong> received in<br />
<strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn parts of <strong>the</strong> crusader st<strong>at</strong>es. <strong>The</strong> first charter in Tripoli was granted in 1203, followed<br />
by ano<strong>the</strong>r one in Tripoli <strong>and</strong> Antioch in 1205 249 A third charter regarding Antioch <strong>and</strong> St<br />
Simeon was granted in 1216250<br />
Finally, in 1221 <strong>and</strong> 1223 <strong>the</strong> <strong>Genoese</strong> were granted rights <strong>and</strong><br />
possessions<br />
also in Beirut 251<br />
<strong>The</strong> 1205 charter was based on Bohemond's previous charter, from 1203. <strong>The</strong> two<br />
charters share many points, including occasional repetition of phrases. For example, both charters<br />
specify exactly who is entitled to <strong>the</strong>m. <strong>The</strong> applied to omnibus Januensibus et Januensium filiis.<br />
<strong>The</strong> expansion of <strong>the</strong> receiving body to include <strong>Genoese</strong> descendants is an interesting mirror to<br />
<strong>the</strong> changes th<strong>at</strong> occurred in <strong>Genoese</strong> society <strong>and</strong> wh<strong>at</strong> it had been through in th<strong>at</strong> age of<br />
expansion. <strong>The</strong> definition was clearly made to include <strong>the</strong> <strong>Genoese</strong> outside Genoa, or <strong>Genoese</strong><br />
descendants who were no longer inhabitants of <strong>the</strong> home-town. However, <strong>the</strong> documents<br />
explicitly excluded those <strong>Genoese</strong> who were inhabitants of <strong>the</strong> crusader st<strong>at</strong>es: `... exceptis<br />
burgensibus Januensibus regni Jerusalem vel comit<strong>at</strong>us Tripolis sive Cypri vel principalus<br />
Antiochie. '252 <strong>The</strong>se <strong>Genoese</strong>, now citizens of <strong>the</strong> various crusader st<strong>at</strong>es, did not enjoy <strong>the</strong> right<br />
to use <strong>the</strong> new <strong>Genoese</strong> court in Tripoli or <strong>the</strong> commercial privileges Genoa was granted in<br />
Tripoli <strong>and</strong> Antioch.<br />
Several differences between <strong>the</strong> charters of Bohemond IV from December 1203 <strong>and</strong> July<br />
1205 reveal fur<strong>the</strong>r how important <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn st<strong>at</strong>es were for <strong>the</strong> merchants of Genoa. <strong>The</strong><br />
commercial privilege from 1203 included: `libert<strong>at</strong>em in Tripoli de omnipeccunia sua vendendi<br />
emendi mittendi et traendi sine omni consuetudine et iure peccunie sue.... '253 <strong>The</strong> <strong>Genoese</strong><br />
merchants faced two problems with this privilege. <strong>The</strong> most important problem was th<strong>at</strong> it was<br />
confined to Tripoli. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Genoese</strong> merchants, however, wanted to get to Aleppo. <strong>The</strong> extension of<br />
2481<br />
Libri lurium, vol. 1/2, no. 345, p. 167.<br />
249<br />
Reinhold Röhricht `Amalrich I., König von Jerusalem (1162-1174), p. 489; I Libri lurium, vol. 1/2,<br />
numbers 345.<br />
2501 Libri lurium, vol. 1/2, number 347.<br />
25' Mid, vol. 1/2, numbers 349,350.<br />
252 Ibid, vol. 112, no. 345.<br />
253 Röhricht `Amalrich I., König von Jerusalem (1162-1174)', p. 489.<br />
78