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various types of cottons from Syria 'were grouped under the generic name of 'cotone soriano' exited through the ports of Beirut and Tripoli. The inland emporia of Aleppo and Damascus and the way stations of Sayhun, Hama and Horns were heavily frequented by Christian merchants who exchanged western products for caravan articles and Syrian manufactured goods as well as the natural products of the area, including cotton. '224 Mazzaoui, however, traced the opening of the trade route to Aleppo to the Venetians in 1207-8 when 'the emir of Aleppo approved the founding in the city of a Venetian colony with warehouses and separate quarters for merchants. '225 The Genoese contribution to the opening of this trade route and their correlation to the Fourth Crusade and the cotton problems in Sicily are thus missing in Mazzaoui analysis. The numerous Genoese travelling merchants, who sought permission in 1203 to travel to the Latin East and then continue along the shore of the Mediterranean and inland towards Aleppo, could also benefit from the new rights of commerce in Tripoli, 'sine omni consuetudine. ' The 1203 charter also states that the Genoese were allowed to 'buy certain houses in Tripoli and possess them freely': 'item dono potestatem Januensibus emendi quasdam domos in Tripoli et eas libere possidendi ad opus communis. '226 Those merchants who travelled to the Latin East and required longer than two months to manage their business could have used the various Genoese settlements in the crusader states, which were conveniently located between Alexandria and the newly opened market in Aleppo. In conclusion of this discussion it may be suggested that the 1203 charter reveals that Genoa preceded Venice and paved the way to Aleppo for other Italian merchants. Obviously the agreement with Aleppo was reached before 1203 because the notarial records show the result of an earlier change. The point of change itself may be dated 1201 when Bohemond concluded his military arrangement with al-Malik az-Zähir. The case of the banker Giovanni is a good example of the use of the Muslim markets and the advantages offered by the crusader states in 1203. Giovanni made his first contract in the autumn of 1203 with Anna, the wife of Simon de Bulgaro, already mentioned above. Simon de Bulgaro had already been in Ultramare when Anna made the contract, and Anna gave the banker Giovanni £183%2 worth of tellis de lecis (lace) as well as some Genoese pounds to carry over to her husband. Anna was careful, however, to give the banker explicit instructions in case he failed to meet up with Simon. Giovanni was asked to deliver the money and merchandise in that event to Marino de Bulgaro, Simon's brother and her brother in law. Marino himself travelled to the 224 Maureen F. Mazzaoui, The Italian Cotton Industry in the Later Middle Ages, 1100-1600 (Cambridge, 1981), p. 35. 225 Ibid, p. 35. 226 Reinhold Röhricht, `Amalrich I., König von Jerusalem (1162-1174)', p. 489. 73
east at the same time as Giovanni the banker, 227 and in an agreement with the banker Giovanni was granted permission to travel or to send the merchandise to Alexandria. Did Giovanni plan to go to Alexandria? The same Giovanni registered another contract on the same day, with Marchesio draperius de Castello. 28 Marchesio gave Giovanni cloths that cost nearly £100 (03 s19 d5 implicatas in drapes) and instructed him to travel Ultramare. He then gave him his permission to send the merchandise per riveiram Solie usque ad Alep cum testibus. Presumably, these contradictory permissions imply that Giovanni did not plan to travel himself to Alexandria or to Aleppo. It is possible that he planned to stay in one of the Genoese quarters in the crusader states and conduct the business from there. The consul Lamberto Fornario agreed in the contract with the shipowners that the merchandise would be loaded up on the ship within two months of the ship's arrival in the kingdom. 29 In a second contract between Lamberto and the shipowners he promises to travel on the Donna to Ultramare and return with them, presumably in the following year, to Genoa, either directly or via Ceuta or wherever else the ship would sail 230 From the descriptions of the annals from 1204 it seems that the plans for the journey back had been slightly modified. Lamberto Fornario and Belmusto Lercario returned from the Latin East via Crete where they joined with other ships from Alexandria, as well as the Carrocia, a ship that belonged to the pirate Alamanno de Costa. The extended fleet sailed to Sicily where Alamanno de Costa then led a war against the Pisans over Syracuse. David Abulafia mentioned that these consuls who returned from the Latin East and other consuls coming from Alexandria `hastened to appoint him [Alamanno de Costa] Count of Syracuse. 231 Piracy in the Mediterranean The unexpected way the Fourth Crusade ended had left a great mark on the region of the eastern Mediterranean. From 1202 Venice had been utilising the crusading contingents to expand its territory and authority in the Mediterranean. By 1205, the geopolitical map of the eastern Mediterranean had significantly changed. The reaction in Genoa to these developments was on 227 GG, 636,637 from 20 September 1203. Guglielmo di Sori, MS 102, p. 162, R5, from 23 September 1200. It is interesting to note that this family had managed their commercial activities together throughout this period. Guglielma, wife of Martino de Bulgaro, made a contract with Simon de Bulgaro to Ultramare and another contract with both of them OS, 1200, cart 4,132, VI from 22 April 1200. The de Bulgaro brothers also lived in the same house in Genoa. See Guglielmo di Sori, MS 102, p. 135, V3 228 GG, 662. Although Johannes bancherius sounds like a common name, it seems that the contracts refer to the same traveller. This impression is a result of the fact that bankers hardly ever appear as travellers in the notarial cartularies. Bankers obviously had a very dominant role in Genoa's commercial life. But in over hundreds of contracts registered by such bankers, they usually invested money or gave loans. Only very few took part as travellers in the commercial ventures. 229 GG, no. 612. 230 GG, no. 613. 231 David Abulafia, `Henry Count of Malta', p. 111; Ann. Ian., vol. 2, pp. 91-2. 74
Page 1 and 2:
PtiD . ascýo The Merchant of Genoa
Page 3 and 4:
I 2 3 4 5 Contents: Abbreviations L
Page 5 and 6:
Abbreviations Ann. Ian. Caffaro, An
Page 7 and 8:
Tables Table 1: Genoese ships and t
Page 9 and 10:
Introduction: The merchant of Genoa
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Benjamin Kedar, Marie-Luise Favreau
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notary Lanfranco from the first eig
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money or merchandise! These tables
Page 17 and 18:
they used was dated and therefore m
Page 19 and 20:
Genoa and the Third Crusade This ch
Page 21 and 22:
example, that shipowners and sailor
Page 23 and 24: annals from that period, written by
Page 25 and 26: The first wave of Genoese crusaders
Page 27 and 28: East, especially under Conrad of Mo
Page 29 and 30: crusade. Two of them, Maurino and S
Page 31 and 32: Provisions (vianda) for each person
Page 33 and 34: the travelling contracts of the tim
Page 35 and 36: following year supply some leads to
Page 37 and 38: For example, the years 1190 to 1192
Page 39 and 40: they were promised part of the paym
Page 41 and 42: wine exported to Bougie and sold fo
Page 43 and 44: allowed to carry this money with hi
Page 45 and 46: transition marked by the Third Crus
Page 47 and 48: Fourth Crusade, there was an increa
Page 49 and 50: 2 The impact of a crusade: the reac
Page 51 and 52: enewal and extension of Barbarossa'
Page 53 and 54: Oberto Malocello, and Heredes de Ma
Page 55 and 56: would sail in custodiam navium and
Page 57 and 58: The preparations for the Fourth Cru
Page 59 and 60: perhaps he was more accurate than u
Page 61 and 62: All the records that contain such r
Page 63 and 64: esult of various reasons including
Page 65 and 66: econfirmed. ' 87 The plan was there
Page 67 and 68: Not all merchants detailed their pl
Page 69 and 70: Figure 4: Map of the main trade and
Page 71 and 72: is correct and the significance of
Page 73: This paragraph is a conspicuous pre
Page 77 and 78: Abulafia wrote about Crete that `st
Page 79 and 80: Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? I
Page 81 and 82: Malta in Tripoli in great detail wi
Page 83 and 84: 3 An unprovoked crusade? This chapt
Page 85 and 86: success, especially with the women
Page 87 and 88: Although Friedman did not explicitl
Page 89 and 90: war business could have been for th
Page 91 and 92: Or vos dirai que les Sarazins d'Ali
Page 93 and 94: Pope Innocent III and the maritime
Page 95 and 96: with Venice. 309 This eventually en
Page 97 and 98: peace truces after Hattin, and espe
Page 99 and 100: eceived concessions in Tripoli and
Page 101 and 102: commerce in Bougie as well as Alexa
Page 103 and 104: such specification was necessary. I
Page 105 and 106: James's letters written to the pope
Page 107 and 108: most of the ships that sailed in 12
Page 109 and 110: The sum bequeathed was not related
Page 111 and 112: 4 Embriaco or do Biblio, what's In
Page 113 and 114: town may contribute to the understa
Page 115 and 116: Les Genois transformerent vite ou l
Page 117 and 118: ecause another branch of the family
Page 119 and 120: high fee. For Antioch, Genoa reques
Page 121 and 122: Unfortunately, Gibelet was not incl
Page 123 and 124: comparative map presented by Elieze
Page 125 and 126:
`perhaps most notable for its hands
Page 127 and 128:
[my 444 emphasis] At first glance,
Page 129 and 130:
One practical implication of this c
Page 131 and 132:
There was some similarity between t
Page 133 and 134:
of James of Vitry there is a simila
Page 135 and 136:
On the following day, 12 March 1186
Page 137 and 138:
of Genoa turned their attention mor
Page 139 and 140:
epresentatives of the church of St
Page 141 and 142:
church of St Lawrence were on the l
Page 143 and 144:
Figure 11: Acre - the census per ho
Page 145 and 146:
5 The Genoese communities in the ki
Page 147 and 148:
settlers acted as representatives o
Page 149 and 150:
suffered as a result of the Venetia
Page 151 and 152:
Tyre. Who was responsible to these
Page 153 and 154:
leased for twenty eight years in th
Page 155 and 156:
interests, and their intense enmity
Page 157 and 158:
Genoese sources. Perhaps some of th
Page 159 and 160:
Genoese. The Third and Fourth Crusa
Page 161 and 162:
her family could have been part of
Page 163 and 164:
Bonvicino, who were indeed new sett
Page 165 and 166:
was brought up in the parliament. I
Page 167 and 168:
Genoese names in the charters of Ar
Page 169 and 170:
Tyre. Perhaps this means that despi
Page 171 and 172:
Conclusions The main contribution o
Page 173 and 174:
towards the Latin East. The signifi
Page 175 and 176:
Appendix 2: The exchange rate betwe
Page 177 and 178:
c 'ýg C o° 1° cL 0 2 c u) . "c
Page 179 and 180:
Appendix 4: Bequest for the crusade
Page 181 and 182:
Edbury, Peter (ed. and trans. ), Th
Page 183 and 184:
Tangl, Georgine, Studien zum Regist
Page 185 and 186:
Bartholomaeis, Vincenzo de (ed. ),
Page 187 and 188:
Friedman, Yvonne, Encounter between
Page 189 and 190:
Olivieri, Agostino, `Indice per ord
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