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appeared at the top of the witness lists in the charters that Bohemond granted to Genoa in 1203 and in 1205. Presumably, Guy de Biblio also helped to make the arrangements that allowed the consuls of Genoa access to Tripoli and thus opened the diplomatic channel and the commercial route to Aleppo. Bohemond obviously followed his own agenda when he granted commercial privileges or encouraged political marriage. His concerns did not escape the attention of historians of the crusader states, especially Claude Cahen and Jean Richard. They clearly described the political complexity that Bohemond had faced between 1204 and 1208 and how he benefited from his close relations to the Genoese during these years. 12 Bohemond must have been concerned also with the fact that King Leon of Armenia already granted the Genoese privileges throughout his kingdom in a charter dated March 1201 213 Thomas Boase described the tension between Leon and Bohemond in the following words: Ànti-Armenian feeling was easily roused and intermittent warfare went on with varying balance of success for some twenty years. Both side appealed to the papacy and this obscure struggle, in which neither side hesitated to call in Muslim allies, was to be the main preoccupation of the overburdened Innocent III. '214 Furthermore, Cahen showed how these events were related to each other. King Leon faced military resistance from the local population, the Knight Templars and the army of Az-Zähir, `ce nest sans doute pas par hasard que... Bohemond accorda d'Antioche aux Genois une extension de leurs privileges ä Tripoli. '215 Because of this military pressure, in Bohemond's first charter to the Genoese of December 1203, the Genoese were granted privileges but were also obliged to provide military support to protect Tripoli. Bohemond bluntly demanded that every Genoese who entered his county should promise to defend Tripoli. Whoever refused to make such a vow would be given three days to leave the county. Hec dona suprascripta dono et concedo tali convencione, quod quociescumque Januenses vel Januensium filii venerint in terram meam, cum requisiti fuerint a me vel ab aliquo homine nomine meo, jurabunt michi tactis sacrosanctis evangeliis, quod me juvabunt et quod contra omnem hominem juvabunt servari et defendi Tripolim ad opus meum... et eodem modo jurabunt heredibus meis post decessum meum. Si quis vero Januensibus suprascriýtum juramentum requisitus facere noluerit, infra diem tercium exibit de terra mea... 21 212 Cahen, Ibid, pp. 608-610; Jean Richard, Le Comtd de Tripoli sous la dynastie toulousaine: 1102-1187 (Paris, 1945), pp. 84-85. 2131 Libri lurium, vol. 1/2, no. 344, pp. 164-166. 214 Thomas S. R. Boase, À History of the Kingdom' in Thomas S. R. Boase (ed. ), The Cilician Kingdom of Armenia (Edinburgh, 1978), p. 19. 215 Claude Cahen, La Syrie du Nord, p. 604. 216 This charter was published by Reinhold Röhricht at the appendix to his article: Àmalrich I., König von Jerusalem (1162-1174)', Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung (Innsbruck, 1891), p. 489. 71
This paragraph is a conspicuous presentation of the Genoese commitment to the count in exchange for the privileges that he granted them. This charter was handed to the Genoese consuls Lamberto Fornario and Belmusto Lercario, who were the appointed Genoese consuls in the Latin East for a period of one year, from the autumn of 1203. As will be demonstrated in Chapter Five, the mission of these Genoese consuls represented the highest diplomatic level sent from Genoa to the Latin East since the time of the Third Crusade. Lamberto Fornario was a very experienced merchant, whose career can be traced as early as 1191, when he was still very young and was required to make his contracts with the permission of his father. 217 In 1203, however, Lamberto sailed on the Donna to Ultramare. In Lamberto's contract with the shipowner from 18 September 1203 he secured ten places on the Donna. It was further agreed that when the ship returned to Genoa it would be loaded with 100 canterata (contaria / cantaria) of goods sent by him from the Latin East. Interestingly, half of the freight was to be cotton and the other half contained various other merchandise (aliis mercibus) 218 Is this an indication of the Lamberto's plan to purchase cotton in Aleppo? It is hard to answer this question because notarial evidence reveals that cotton had been imported from the ports of the kingdom of Jerusalem long before 1203. Many Genoese contracts contain evidence of trade in cotton219 In 1186 and 1190, there is a clear reference to cotton of Ultramare and Sicily being purchased in Genoa. 20 David Abulafia argued that ìn the twelfth century, the Genoese were still able to export very significant amounts of cotton from Sicily, and it is possible that at this stage it was cotton rather than grain that drew them so enthusiastically into treaty relations with the Norman kings of Sicily from 1156 onwards, though it is generally agreed that the quality of Sicilian cotton remained relatively low. '221 However, according to Abulafia there was `serious contraction of cotton production in Sicily after about 1200. '222 This shortage of cotton supply might explain some of the urgency in the agreement with Bohemond and ultimately with Aleppo. As David Abulafia demonstrated ìt was Egypt, Syria and ultimately India that became the major sources for raw cotton. '223 Significantly, Genoa was operating under another economic pressure which was the loss of access to Constantinople in 1203, a destination which previously served as one of Genoa's central economic destinations. Maureen Mazzaoui examined the Italian cotton industry in this period. Mazzaoui wrote that 217 GC, nos. 117,118,119, from 23 January 1191 218 GG, no. 612, from 18 September 1203. See Nilo Calvini, Nuovo glossario medievale Ligure (Genoa, 1984), "cantarius" and "contarium", pp. 94,130. 219 Documents from 1182 and 1184 do not mention the origin of the cotton which could have been imported from Sicily too. See, for example, OS, 1182, cart. 2, p. 8V, 12R, 20V, or OS, 1184, cart. 2 p. 137R. 220 OS, 1186, no. 326; 05,1190, no. 248 221 David Abulafia, Ìndustrial Products: the Middle Ages', in Simonetta Cavaciocchi (ed. ), Prodotti e techniche d'Oltremare nelle economie europee, secc. XIII XVIII (Florence, 1998), p. 340 2221bid p. 338. 223 Ibid, p. 340. 72
Page 1 and 2:
PtiD . ascýo The Merchant of Genoa
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I 2 3 4 5 Contents: Abbreviations L
Page 5 and 6:
Abbreviations Ann. Ian. Caffaro, An
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Tables Table 1: Genoese ships and t
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Introduction: The merchant of Genoa
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Benjamin Kedar, Marie-Luise Favreau
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notary Lanfranco from the first eig
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money or merchandise! These tables
Page 17 and 18:
they used was dated and therefore m
Page 19 and 20:
Genoa and the Third Crusade This ch
Page 21 and 22: example, that shipowners and sailor
Page 23 and 24: annals from that period, written by
Page 25 and 26: The first wave of Genoese crusaders
Page 27 and 28: East, especially under Conrad of Mo
Page 29 and 30: crusade. Two of them, Maurino and S
Page 31 and 32: Provisions (vianda) for each person
Page 33 and 34: the travelling contracts of the tim
Page 35 and 36: following year supply some leads to
Page 37 and 38: For example, the years 1190 to 1192
Page 39 and 40: they were promised part of the paym
Page 41 and 42: wine exported to Bougie and sold fo
Page 43 and 44: allowed to carry this money with hi
Page 45 and 46: transition marked by the Third Crus
Page 47 and 48: Fourth Crusade, there was an increa
Page 49 and 50: 2 The impact of a crusade: the reac
Page 51 and 52: enewal and extension of Barbarossa'
Page 53 and 54: Oberto Malocello, and Heredes de Ma
Page 55 and 56: would sail in custodiam navium and
Page 57 and 58: The preparations for the Fourth Cru
Page 59 and 60: perhaps he was more accurate than u
Page 61 and 62: All the records that contain such r
Page 63 and 64: esult of various reasons including
Page 65 and 66: econfirmed. ' 87 The plan was there
Page 67 and 68: Not all merchants detailed their pl
Page 69 and 70: Figure 4: Map of the main trade and
Page 71: is correct and the significance of
Page 75 and 76: east at the same time as Giovanni t
Page 77 and 78: Abulafia wrote about Crete that `st
Page 79 and 80: Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? I
Page 81 and 82: Malta in Tripoli in great detail wi
Page 83 and 84: 3 An unprovoked crusade? This chapt
Page 85 and 86: success, especially with the women
Page 87 and 88: Although Friedman did not explicitl
Page 89 and 90: war business could have been for th
Page 91 and 92: Or vos dirai que les Sarazins d'Ali
Page 93 and 94: Pope Innocent III and the maritime
Page 95 and 96: with Venice. 309 This eventually en
Page 97 and 98: peace truces after Hattin, and espe
Page 99 and 100: eceived concessions in Tripoli and
Page 101 and 102: commerce in Bougie as well as Alexa
Page 103 and 104: such specification was necessary. I
Page 105 and 106: James's letters written to the pope
Page 107 and 108: most of the ships that sailed in 12
Page 109 and 110: The sum bequeathed was not related
Page 111 and 112: 4 Embriaco or do Biblio, what's In
Page 113 and 114: town may contribute to the understa
Page 115 and 116: Les Genois transformerent vite ou l
Page 117 and 118: ecause another branch of the family
Page 119 and 120: high fee. For Antioch, Genoa reques
Page 121 and 122: Unfortunately, Gibelet was not incl
Page 123 and 124:
comparative map presented by Elieze
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`perhaps most notable for its hands
Page 127 and 128:
[my 444 emphasis] At first glance,
Page 129 and 130:
One practical implication of this c
Page 131 and 132:
There was some similarity between t
Page 133 and 134:
of James of Vitry there is a simila
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On the following day, 12 March 1186
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of Genoa turned their attention mor
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epresentatives of the church of St
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church of St Lawrence were on the l
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Figure 11: Acre - the census per ho
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5 The Genoese communities in the ki
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settlers acted as representatives o
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suffered as a result of the Venetia
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Tyre. Who was responsible to these
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leased for twenty eight years in th
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interests, and their intense enmity
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Genoese sources. Perhaps some of th
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Genoese. The Third and Fourth Crusa
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her family could have been part of
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Bonvicino, who were indeed new sett
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was brought up in the parliament. I
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Genoese names in the charters of Ar
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Tyre. Perhaps this means that despi
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Conclusions The main contribution o
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towards the Latin East. The signifi
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Appendix 2: The exchange rate betwe
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c 'ýg C o° 1° cL 0 2 c u) . "c
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Appendix 4: Bequest for the crusade
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Edbury, Peter (ed. and trans. ), Th
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Tangl, Georgine, Studien zum Regist
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Bartholomaeis, Vincenzo de (ed. ),
Page 187 and 188:
Friedman, Yvonne, Encounter between
Page 189 and 190:
Olivieri, Agostino, Ìndice per ord
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