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within cities along the shoreline. This evidence thus calls us to re-examine Jonathan Riley Smith' hypothesis that the number of Europeans who were `engaged in the traffic of merchandise... and organising caravans from Damascus and other Muslim centres to the Levantine sea-board must have been negligible. "99 The merchants who headed north in 1203 faced some complicated challenges. The Continuation of William of Tyre described how a small group of crusaders left Acre in the same year and travelled towards Antioch. On their way they passed by enemy territory, not far from Jabala, which was in the hands of the ruler of Aleppo. They were attacked by the Muslims and were eventually defeated near Latakia 200 According to Heyd, the hostile atmosphere between the Christians and Muslims in the northern regions of the crusader states remained so until 1207. Heyd believed that 1207 marked a turning point in the relations between Christians and Muslims in the north, when a commercial pact was signed between Venice and al- Malik az-Zähir, son of Saladin201 Evidence from the notarial contracts provides a different impression of the relationship between Christian travellers and the Ayyubids at the beginning of the thirteenth century, especially with regard to commercial relations. How should the evidence from the Genoese sources be interpreted? The contracts were the fruits of a political change that must have taken place before 1203. When did the relations with Aleppo change, and what motivated such a change? The importance of Aleppo had already been recognised at the time of the First Crusade. Aleppo was considered a strategic key place in the eyes of the Muslims in Syria as well as the crusades and the Latin inhabitants of the northern states. Aleppo was considered an important agricultural centre especially for the production of cotton and it was famous for its glass industry202 More importantly, however, was the location of Aleppo because it stands in a junction of one of the leading trade and hajj routes between the Mediterranean and the east (Figure 4). Evidence from the beginning of the twentieth century reveals that Aleppo maintained its centrality as late as the First World War (see Figure 5). ''Jonathan Riley Smith, `Government in Latin Syria and the Commercial Privileges of Foreign Merchants', in Derek Baker, ed., Relations between East and West in the Middle Ages (Edinburgh, 1973), 115. 2La Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr, in RHC. Oc., vol. 2, pp. 247-249; Wilhelm von Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen-age (Amsterdam, 1959), vol. 1, p. 373. 201 Heyd, Hisotire de commerce, vol. 1, pp. 374-375; Eliyahu Ashtor, A Social and Economic History of the Near East in the Middle Ages (London, 1976), pp. 240-241. 202 Ashtor, A Social and Economic History, pp. 97,242-3,275-8; David Abulafia, `Trade and Crusade: 1050-1250', in Michael Goodich, Sophia Menache and Sylvia Schein, Cross Cultural Convergences in the Crusader Period. Essays Presented to Aryeh Grabois on his Sixty-Fifth Birthday (New York, 1995), p. 15. 67
Figure 4: Map of the main trade and huff routes in the Middle East, following Carole Hillenbrand. 203 - ., ýý \Iýý - UL
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PtiD . ascýo The Merchant of Genoa
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I 2 3 4 5 Contents: Abbreviations L
Page 5 and 6:
Abbreviations Ann. Ian. Caffaro, An
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Tables Table 1: Genoese ships and t
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Introduction: The merchant of Genoa
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Benjamin Kedar, Marie-Luise Favreau
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notary Lanfranco from the first eig
Page 15 and 16:
money or merchandise! These tables
Page 17 and 18: they used was dated and therefore m
Page 19 and 20: Genoa and the Third Crusade This ch
Page 21 and 22: example, that shipowners and sailor
Page 23 and 24: annals from that period, written by
Page 25 and 26: The first wave of Genoese crusaders
Page 27 and 28: East, especially under Conrad of Mo
Page 29 and 30: crusade. Two of them, Maurino and S
Page 31 and 32: Provisions (vianda) for each person
Page 33 and 34: the travelling contracts of the tim
Page 35 and 36: following year supply some leads to
Page 37 and 38: For example, the years 1190 to 1192
Page 39 and 40: they were promised part of the paym
Page 41 and 42: wine exported to Bougie and sold fo
Page 43 and 44: allowed to carry this money with hi
Page 45 and 46: transition marked by the Third Crus
Page 47 and 48: Fourth Crusade, there was an increa
Page 49 and 50: 2 The impact of a crusade: the reac
Page 51 and 52: enewal and extension of Barbarossa'
Page 53 and 54: Oberto Malocello, and Heredes de Ma
Page 55 and 56: would sail in custodiam navium and
Page 57 and 58: The preparations for the Fourth Cru
Page 59 and 60: perhaps he was more accurate than u
Page 61 and 62: All the records that contain such r
Page 63 and 64: esult of various reasons including
Page 65 and 66: econfirmed. ' 87 The plan was there
Page 67: Not all merchants detailed their pl
Page 71 and 72: is correct and the significance of
Page 73 and 74: This paragraph is a conspicuous pre
Page 75 and 76: east at the same time as Giovanni t
Page 77 and 78: Abulafia wrote about Crete that `st
Page 79 and 80: Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? I
Page 81 and 82: Malta in Tripoli in great detail wi
Page 83 and 84: 3 An unprovoked crusade? This chapt
Page 85 and 86: success, especially with the women
Page 87 and 88: Although Friedman did not explicitl
Page 89 and 90: war business could have been for th
Page 91 and 92: Or vos dirai que les Sarazins d'Ali
Page 93 and 94: Pope Innocent III and the maritime
Page 95 and 96: with Venice. 309 This eventually en
Page 97 and 98: peace truces after Hattin, and espe
Page 99 and 100: eceived concessions in Tripoli and
Page 101 and 102: commerce in Bougie as well as Alexa
Page 103 and 104: such specification was necessary. I
Page 105 and 106: James's letters written to the pope
Page 107 and 108: most of the ships that sailed in 12
Page 109 and 110: The sum bequeathed was not related
Page 111 and 112: 4 Embriaco or do Biblio, what's In
Page 113 and 114: town may contribute to the understa
Page 115 and 116: Les Genois transformerent vite ou l
Page 117 and 118: ecause another branch of the family
Page 119 and 120:
high fee. For Antioch, Genoa reques
Page 121 and 122:
Unfortunately, Gibelet was not incl
Page 123 and 124:
comparative map presented by Elieze
Page 125 and 126:
`perhaps most notable for its hands
Page 127 and 128:
[my 444 emphasis] At first glance,
Page 129 and 130:
One practical implication of this c
Page 131 and 132:
There was some similarity between t
Page 133 and 134:
of James of Vitry there is a simila
Page 135 and 136:
On the following day, 12 March 1186
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of Genoa turned their attention mor
Page 139 and 140:
epresentatives of the church of St
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church of St Lawrence were on the l
Page 143 and 144:
Figure 11: Acre - the census per ho
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5 The Genoese communities in the ki
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settlers acted as representatives o
Page 149 and 150:
suffered as a result of the Venetia
Page 151 and 152:
Tyre. Who was responsible to these
Page 153 and 154:
leased for twenty eight years in th
Page 155 and 156:
interests, and their intense enmity
Page 157 and 158:
Genoese sources. Perhaps some of th
Page 159 and 160:
Genoese. The Third and Fourth Crusa
Page 161 and 162:
her family could have been part of
Page 163 and 164:
Bonvicino, who were indeed new sett
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was brought up in the parliament. I
Page 167 and 168:
Genoese names in the charters of Ar
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Tyre. Perhaps this means that despi
Page 171 and 172:
Conclusions The main contribution o
Page 173 and 174:
towards the Latin East. The signifi
Page 175 and 176:
Appendix 2: The exchange rate betwe
Page 177 and 178:
c 'ýg C o° 1° cL 0 2 c u) . "c
Page 179 and 180:
Appendix 4: Bequest for the crusade
Page 181 and 182:
Edbury, Peter (ed. and trans. ), Th
Page 183 and 184:
Tangl, Georgine, Studien zum Regist
Page 185 and 186:
Bartholomaeis, Vincenzo de (ed. ),
Page 187 and 188:
Friedman, Yvonne, Encounter between
Page 189 and 190:
Olivieri, Agostino, `Indice per ord
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